Healthcare Costs Archives - 51视频 Health News /topics/health-care-costs/ 51视频 Health News produces in-depth journalism on health issues and is a core operating program of 51视频. Wed, 30 Sep 2026 16:17:35 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.10 /wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=32 Healthcare Costs Archives - 51视频 Health News /topics/health-care-costs/ 32 32 257378068 Rural MAHA Followers Say Trump Health Policies Haven鈥檛 Reached Their Communities /rural-health/kff-ap-poll-rural-voters-maha-make-america-healthy-again-local-impact-midterms/ Wed, 30 Sep 2026 10:01:00 +0000 /?p=2290225 About half of rural voters identify with , a sprawling political movement championed by the Trump administration, but most said President Donald Trump’s healthcare policies have not benefited their communities, according to a from The Associated Press in partnership with 51视频.

About 8 in 10 rural voters 鈥� an important voting bloc for Trump and fellow Republicans in recent elections 鈥� said the Trump administration’s policies have had a negative effect or no impact on the health of people where they live. Most MAHA supporters, 68%, also feel this way, according to the national survey of more than 2,000 rural registered voters.

The findings signal an apparent disconnect between the Trump administration’s MAHA-branded policy priorities and rural America’s perception of their reach and effectiveness.

Iowa pastor Mike Jager, 58, is a registered Republican and considers himself part of the MAHA movement. The Trump administration’s health policies have had “minimal” impact on the health of his community, Jager said, but he added that Trump’s health secretary, , is moving the needle “in the right direction.”

“It’s a beginning,” Jager said. “It’s a big ship to try and turn around and course-correct.”

Kennedy has used the MAHA label to support various agendas, including , , and investing in regenerative agriculture.

Jager lives in Sumner, Iowa, “less than a quarter mile from where the corn ends and the city begins.” He’s seen family members and neighbors develop diseases that he believes resulted in part from exposure to agricultural chemicals and consumption of unhealthy, processed foods.

In the June Republican primary for governor, Jager voted for Zach Lahn, a businessman and farmer, who ran on a MAHA platform and beat out Trump-backed U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra. He plans to vote for him again in November.

A photo of Mike Jager standing in front of an altar inside of a church.
Jager said that President Donald Trump’s health secretary, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., is moving the needle “in the right direction.” (Miriam Alarcón Avila for 51视频 Health News)

Many Rural Voters Are Prioritizing Health Issues

About two-thirds of rural voters who support MAHA said it’s “extremely” or “very” important to them to vote for a candidate who does, too, while only 4 in 10 rural voters overall said the same.

Trump sought to seize on MAHA support during his campaign for another term two years ago. Now, amid tight midterm races, Kennedy has campaigned to galvanize the movement’s support. In May, he attended a MAHA bill signing with Iowa Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds, and in August, he went fishing with Lahn, posting about it on social media.

Yet the survey indicates voters are noticing “this weird split in the Trump administration” between what Kennedy messages and what Trump says and does, said David Peterson, a political science professor at Iowa State University.

“It’s this mix of things coming out of D.C., out of different pieces of the administration, that’s confusing people,” Peterson said.

In Iowa, concerns about what’s causing are “a big deal,” he said. For many people who identify with MAHA, being healthy includes taking on corporate agriculture and pharmaceutical companies that they think cause cancer, he added.

“The sort of populist messaging around that is appealing right now,” Peterson said.

In the poll, views on healthcare access and costs largely diverged along party lines. Most Democratic and independent voters said the Trump administration’s healthcare policies have had a negative impact on their healthcare costs and the health and well-being of people in their communities. Republicans were likelier to say there hasn’t been an impact.

Talking on the phone from her 200-acre farm in Carroll County, Iowa, 71-year-old Donna Klocke said that her husband had died from cancer and that she has neighbors who also have cancer.

“It’s just very prevalent,” Klocke said. “We’re in a farming community. We use chemicals and pesticides and all kinds of things that aren’t necessarily good for us.”

Klocke, a Democrat, said the MAHA movement is a good idea because she cares about being healthy, but she does not consider herself part of it and will not be voting for a candidate who represents the movement.

Kennedy, who was an anti-vaccine activist before entering politics and has sent to Americans about , scares her.

“Measles are coming back and polio,” Klocke said. “It’s the measles that really gets me. It’s like, do you not understand how dangerous it is?”

A photo of Donna Klocke standing in front of a cornfield in Iowa.
Donna Klocke cares about being healthy but does not consider herself part of the Make America Healthy Again movement. Her husband died from cancer after a life spent farming the family’s 200 acres in Carroll County, Iowa. (Kathyrn Gamble for 51视频 Health News)

Survey Reflects Angst Over Healthcare

About half of rural voters said their communities don’t have enough doctors or other healthcare providers, and even more said there aren’t enough mental health workers specifically. The share of rural voters who said their community does not have enough hospitals increased to 35% from 21% in a similar question asked in a 51视频-Washington Post survey in 2017.

And as with the general population, healthcare, gas, and grocery costs are top pain points. More than 6 in 10 rural voters said they were worried about healthcare costs.

The level of worry varied based on coverage, with rural voters enrolled in employer plans or Medicare less likely to be worried. The survey found that 80% of working-age rural voters on Medicaid were very or somewhat worried about healthcare costs. Last year, Republicans passed that cut over $900 billion in projected Medicaid spending over a decade and mandated new eligibility requirements.

Among rural voters who purchase their own insurance, such as the individual coverage plans available on Affordable Care Act marketplaces, 77% said they were worried.

In the tiny community of Lipan, Texas, west of Dallas, Kim Solis and her husband have a handyman-and-home-remodel business and get their insurance on the marketplace. Since Trump was elected again, their premium payment jumped from zero to $166 a month. Their copays went up, and their deductibles each increased by $2,000.

Solis, 62, said she worries what will happen if they get a big medical bill.

“Certainly, we’d be in a world of hurt trying to take money out of savings or getting it out of our 401(k) just to be able to do something about it,” she said.

Most MAHA Voters Are Also MAGA 鈥� But Not All

Like the general population, rural voters said they trust their own doctors and healthcare providers for health information over government agencies or officials, according to the poll.

Trust in Kennedy and Trump fell largely along partisan lines. About 10% of rural Democratic voters reported having a “great deal” or “fair amount” of trust in Kennedy, compared with 74% of rural Republican voters. About 5% of rural Democrats and 69% of rural Republicans said they trust Trump a “great deal” or “fair amount” for reliable health information.

While Make America Great Again and MAHA identities are “linked in a lot of ways,” the rising costs of healthcare and groceries pose a challenge for those committed to the MAHA principles that Kennedy promotes, said Peterson, the Iowa State professor.

Buying healthy food “becomes, 鈥業 can’t afford to do that because of Trump’s policies,’” he said.

In Stamping Ground, Kentucky, Alma Johnson, 65, works as night security at a horse farm. Johnson said gas had gone up but her overall cost of living had decreased since Trump took office.

Johnson voted for Trump in 2016, 2020, and 2024 and said she “pretty much” likes how Trump is running the country. But she said she is not a MAGA devotee, preferring to “think for myself.”

MAHA, however, is an easy sell for Johnson because, she said, she doesn’t think people should be able to buy junk food through the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP.

Still, she said she hasn’t seen much impact from the Trump administration’s healthcare policies, including the .

“It takes a long time to change people, their habits, their thoughts, or the things they do,” Johnson said.

About the Poll

The 51视频-AP Rural Voters Survey was conducted online and by telephone Aug. 12-24, 2026, among 2,241 registered voters living in rural areas, defined as census tracts that fall within codes 5-10 of the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s 2020 Rural-Urban Commuting Area codes. Voters were reached through a combination of the probability-based SSRS Opinion Panel and a registration-based sample from the L2 voter file. Overall results have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 3 percentage points, including design effects due to weighting. Error margins are larger for subgroups. In collaboration with the AP, 51视频 researchers worked to design the survey sample and questionnaire and analyze and report findings.

This report is from a collaboration between 51视频 Health News and The Associated Press.

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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Drugs Are Widely Used To Sedate Dementia Patients. Her Sons Wanted To Keep Her Off Them. /aging/dementia-drugs-antipsychotic-dangers-memory-care-seniors-alzheimers-michigan/ Wed, 30 Sep 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2287893 In December 2024, Marjorie Tingley’s adult sons received an urgent email from the dementia care unit at Vista Grande Villa, a Michigan senior living community. They were told that their 85-year-old mother was a major safety threat.

On at least 10 days in the previous month, Tingley had hit, kicked, or elbowed aides when they were trying to help her change her briefs, get dressed, bathe, or go to the bathroom, according to Vista Grande behavior logs. Vista Grande wanted permission to sedate her.

Into the new year, Tingley’s sons and Vista Grande fiercely wrangled over one of the most contentious topics in long-term care: the use of antipsychotic medications to pacify agitated people with dementia. The medications come with risks: The Food and Drug Administration requires pharmaceutical companies to warn that these potent drugs increase the chance of death in older people with Alzheimer’s and similar diseases.

More than have a diagnosis of dementia. Despite a 14-year campaign by the federal government to reduce the use of psychotropics, 1 in 4 Medicare beneficiaries with dementia are potentially inappropriately prescribed antipsychotics and other brain-altering medications that can cause delirium, falls, and hospitalizations, a estimated.

While some families and guardians agree that the benefits of these drugs outweigh the risks, those with misgivings confront a wrenching choice: consent to drugging loved ones or risk eviction from a long-term care facility.

As the Tingleys alternately acquiesced to and resisted Vista Grande’s insistence on medication, administrators started calling 911 after altercations, according to ambulance and police dispatch records. Tingley was repeatedly taken to the emergency room for assessment, hospital records show.

After four trips, Vista Grande gave Tingley a 30-day eviction notice, and it sent her to the hospital four more times while the family was arranging a new placement, medical records show.

“I want her out of here,” a flustered administrator told an ambulance crew, one entry shows.

A senior woman in a stretcher is loaded into an ambulance.
Marjorie Tingley was taken to an emergency room eight times after a series of incidents in which she exhibited aggressive behavior at her memory care facility, according to medical and facility records. A pending lawsuit by her family alleges Vista Grande Villa, the senior living center in Michigan, initiated the ER trips in retaliation for disagreements with the family about Tingley’s care. Vista Grande and its director have denied the allegations. (David Tingley)

Tingley died at another facility in January 2025. The cause was plaque buildup in her brain, a , a degenerative brain disease and the most common type of dementia.

“They just wanted to have her drugged up,” David Tingley, one of her five sons, said about Vista Grande in an interview. “It’s a lot easier to take care of someone who’s just out of it.”

Her sons’ lawsuit against Vista Grande and its director at the time accused them of negligence, causing emotional distress, and wrongful eviction. The suit also asserted Vista Grande initiated the ER trips in retaliation for the family’s disagreements about Tingley’s care. Vista Grande and its director have denied the allegations. Their attorneys and the director did not respond to requests for comment.

In a legal filing, Vista Grande called the drugs recommended to the Tingleys “routine medication” and said it sent their mother to the hospital “because of her family’s refusal to allow Ms. Tingley to be treated on site.”

A Michigan Circuit Court judge has dismissed the negligence claim on legal grounds. A trial is scheduled for early next year on the remainder of the lawsuit if mediation fails.

Earlier this year, Vista Grande, which was a nonprofit, became a wholly owned subsidiary of Otterbein SeniorLife, which renamed it Otterbein Jackson SeniorLife Community. Otterbein is not named in the lawsuit, and representatives did not respond to requests for comment.

Dangers of Aggression

Diseases that cause dementia damage the parts of the brain that regulate impulse control and perception. Impaired people can become aggressive because of fear 鈥� especially when they no longer recognize their caregivers 鈥� or because they have no other way to communicate that they are in pain, are hungry, or have some other need.

Altercations between agitated people with dementia and other residents or workers charged with caring for them are in long-term care facilities and private homes. 51视频 Health News previously found that federal inspectors have cited nursing homes more often for resident-to-resident abuse than for any other type of abuse, neglect, or exploitation.

Those dangers are particularly true in the more than that specialize in dementia care, usually in locked buildings or units populated by people with cognitive damage. These memory care facilities promise specially trained staff and meaningful activities for residents and usually charge more than standard assisted living.

The long-term care industry’s reliance on tranquilizing medications has been a concern of Congress for half a century. A stated that “an ugly pattern of prescription drug misuse, with harsh consequences to patients, exists in many nursing homes of the United States.”

A National Campaign

In 2012, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services launched its to target overprescribing. It has shown some success with reducing the use of antipsychotics, which the FDA has approved primarily for people with schizophrenia. Excluding those patients, antipsychotics were given to nursing home residents in 2025. An inspector general identified “alarming instances of inappropriate use of antipsychotic drugs.”

Nationally, nearly in assisted living facilities have Alzheimer’s or other diseases and conditions that cause dementia. Unlike nursing homes, assisted living facilities don’t provide skilled medical care around the clock, but they help people with fundamental activities like bathing and eating. States regulate them, not the federal government.

A study published in 2023 in JAMDA, the journal of the society representing post-acute and long-term care medicine, found that, on average, assisted living residents with dementia for 13% of the time they lived there. Other researchers through 2017 concluded the federal campaign “did not appear to affect antipsychotic prescribing” in these residents.

Lauren Gerlach, a geriatric psychiatrist and an associate professor at the University of Michigan Medical School, said there is evidence that aggressive behaviors are better addressed by non-medication interventions, like looking for underlying medical issues or heading off situations that typically upset the person. But, she said, “for some patients, these behaviors are so severe that medications will be required.”

A Steady Decline

The details of Marjorie Tingley’s time at Vista Grande 鈥� as alleged in documents filed in the lawsuit; records provided by the Tingleys and their lawyer, Ron Marienfeld; and interviews and emails with the family 鈥� provide an unusually intimate look into what can happen when families and caregivers clash over brain-altering drugs.

A Detroit native, Tingley was a volunteer reading teacher in the Jackson, Michigan, public school system and worked in the general office. Later, she was a certified financial planner. Her sons said she was successful but made less money than she might have, because she didn’t direct investments to get the highest commissions. Instead, she did what she thought was best for clients.

“She was just so honest,” David Tingley said.

She was an active member of the Catholic Church. Her husband, Eugene, died in 2010.

A senior woman is lying on her back in bed and looking up at the camera.
Vista Grande Villa gave Marjorie Tingley an eviction notice after her sons resisted requests to sedate their mother with medications, medical records show. She died less than two weeks after moving to a new facility. (David Tingley)

Around 2018, her sons noticed she was becoming forgetful, not taking her regular medications or recognizing aides they had hired. David and his brother Mark, who shared power of attorney, said in an interview that their mother’s memory deteriorated further after a head injury in a 2019 car collision.

They hired caregivers to help at her home in Jackson, but by 2021, they decided she needed to be in a facility, choosing the assisted living unit at the nonprofit Vista Grande.

In 2023, Vista Grande told them that their mother’s dementia had progressed and that she needed to go into the memory care unit or leave. Vista Grande’s memory care marketing materials said its “dedicated team creates an individual program of support for each resident” and “provides for the precise services you need.”

David said they reluctantly agreed to the move but thought the quality of care was better in general assisted living, even though memory care cost more. Vista Grande charged Tingley $9,150 a month for memory care, her lease shows.

鈥楾hese Pills Have Side Effects’

Vista Grande first contacted the Tingleys in early December 2024 about behavioral incidents. According to facility records, Marjorie Tingley pushed an aide trying to help her use the bathroom and the aide almost fell. She yelled and kicked at staff trying to put on her shoes and socks. She wandered into another resident’s room and took a walker.

The facility requested permission to medicate Tingley, but her sons said they first wanted her checked for a urinary tract infection, which they said had caused her agitation in the past. “These pills have side effects,” Mark said. “I thought, 鈥楶ersonally, I don’t want her to have that.’”

Vista Grande collected the sample but didn’t ensure it was tested by a lab for more than a week, by which time the test had to be redone, according to facility and medical records.

In mid-December, Vista Grande sent Tingley to Henry Ford Jackson Hospital for a mental health evaluation, at which psychiatrists could decide whether she required involuntary hospitalization. Doctors did not find that necessary, but they confirmed a urinary tract infection and she was given antibiotics. Vista Grande declared she could not return unless the family agreed to sedating medication, according to hospital records.

In a court filing, Vista Grande said Tingley had become a “danger to herself and others.” Mark recalled feeling at the time that: “It’s like they’re holding her ransom unless I say she can have that pill.”

Medication Begins

The specific medications were prescribed either by hospital doctors or a nurse practitioner working for a medical group that serviced residents of Vista Grande and other long-term care facilities, medical records show. David said Vista Grande had encouraged the family to replace their mother’s longtime physician with that medical group. The lawsuit did not name the nurse, the medical group, or the hospital as defendants. Henry Ford Health declined to comment.

The brothers allowed Vista Grande to give their mother the drug Ativan, the brand name , as needed. Ativan is not an antipsychotic but a benzodiazepine that the FDA for people with anxiety. The label says it can , unsteadiness, and weakness and is supposed to be used “with caution” in patients with breathing problems 鈥� like Tingley, who had sleep apnea. It can cause “paradoxical” reactions such as agitation and rage.

After a week, Vista Grande workers gave “mixed reports” about whether the Ativan was calming Tingley, according to her medical records. Employees said she still would yell and was “very agitated.”

The family said they authorized Vista Grande to replace Ativan with a low dose of Zyprexa, the brand name for the , which the FDA has approved to treat schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. The FDA requires Zyprexa to carry a stating that it is not approved for the treatment of patients with dementia-related psychosis and places them at greater risk of death.

Nonetheless, Zyprexa has a long history of being prescribed that way. Eli Lilly, the drug’s manufacturer, pleaded guilty in 2009 to allegations that it improperly promoted the use of Zyprexa for dementia with long-term care providers and primary care physicians. The company a criminal fine and civil settlement totaling $1.4 billion.

The black box warning on Zyprexa alarmed the sons, and their online research made them worried that Zyprexa could damage their mother’s heart, since she had . While the family approved the prescription, they authorized only 2.5 milligrams of Zyprexa a day, half the starter dose recommended by Eli Lilly.

鈥楽he Could Barely Function’

On both New Year’s Eve and New Year’s Day, Vista Grande sent Tingley to the emergency room. On Jan. 2, Vista Grande gave the family the 30-day eviction notice. “We have determined we are unable to meet the level of care and expectations required for your mother’s well-being,” it said in the letter.

While the family started looking for another facility, Vista Grande sent Tingley to the ER four more times.

Vista Grande Villa gave Marjorie Tingley an eviction notice after her sons resisted requests to sedate their mother with medications, medical records show. Tingley’s family said she was being excessively sedated. “She could barely function,” her son David says. (David Tingley)

A psychiatrist consulting with the hospital endorsed doubling the Zyprexa to the starter dose recommended by Eli Lilly, and the Tingleys consented, according to medical records.

For five days, there were no incidents at Vista Grande, according to her medical records. But the family alleged in court filings that Tingley was being excessively sedated. They instructed that the Zyprexa be cut back to its initial level, according to her medical records.

“She could barely function,” David said in the interview.

The sons said they were especially disturbed to learn she was being given both Ativan and Zyprexa after they had approved Zyprexa as a replacement drug.

Reports from emergency room crews and the hospital made the sons doubt their mother was as aggressive as Vista Grande described, they said. Those records show that throughout the ER trips, Henry Ford employees and ambulance workers generally found Tingley cooperative and polite.

A nurse said Tingley allowed her to braid her hair and blew her kisses when she left. “Just the sweetest patient and very loving,” another ER worker wrote in the medical records. A physician noted the discrepancy from what Vista Grande was reporting, writing in her record: “Her behavior on what I am witnessing is completely contrary to what they are indicating.”

In a legal filing, Vista Grande attributed Tingley’s calm to medication and the “familial love and attention” her sons gave her at the emergency room.

“The next time Ms. Tingley decompensated, the cycle predictably resumed,” Vista Grande said in the filing.

Vista Grande reported that aggressive behaviors resumed and continued sending Tingley to the hospital. On the last trip, Jennifer Wheeler, then-director of Vista Grande’s memory care unit, told ambulance workers that Marjorie would not be accepted back, according to EMS notes. “She is a danger to other residents and a danger to my staff,” Wheeler said.

Tingley stayed in the hospital until she was moved to another memory care facility in Jackson. on Jan. 26, 2025, less than two weeks later.

Her sons asserted in their lawsuit that the frequent trips back and forth to the hospital hastened their mother’s demise.

“They weren’t really caring about my mom,” Mark said. “If they were, they would know that all this back-and-forth to the hospital was no good for her.”

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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Confusion and Angst Follow State’s Early Rollout of Medicaid Work Rules /medicaid/medicaid-work-rules-requirements-worries-dropped-coverage-montana/ Tue, 29 Sep 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2288566 MISSOULA, Mont. 鈥� Bethany Zulick went back to school in January to become a high school English teacher.

Years ago, she taught English as a second language overseas and loved it.

“It’s so exciting to me to watch someone learn a new word or have that spark of understanding,” she said.

Zulick knew she could earn enough money as a substitute teacher to make going back to school financially viable 鈥� except for the cost of health insurance. She didn’t want to risk being unable to see her doctor for her allergies, or for preventative care.

The offered through Montana State University was too expensive, Zulick said, almost as much as her tuition. But then she found a solution that allowed her to make the leap: Medicaid. She wouldn’t have to pay any monthly premiums.

It worked well for a few months, as Zulick taught by day and took online classes at night.

But in June, the state sent a letter that she said left her “completely confused.” She knew Montana was rolling out a system for work requirements over the summer, but she thought she wouldn’t have to prove she met the requirements until next year, when her Medicaid enrollment came up for renewal.

Yet the letter from the Montana Department of Public Health and Human Services outlining the new requirements gave conflicting information on when Zulick would have to prove she was meeting them. First it said at her next renewal, which would be sometime next spring. Lower down it told her she would have to submit paperwork to prove compliance much earlier 鈥� “within 30 days” of the date on the letter, June 26. She wondered: Was it a boilerplate mass-mailing letter she could ignore, or was her insurance on the line?

the new work requirements by Jan. 1, but three states 鈥� Montana, , and 鈥� have already gotten started. Medicaid advocates worry that the expedited timeline in those states will lead to thousands of people losing coverage because they’re confused about the new rules, even if they are eligible for the program 鈥� and that Montana may offer a troubling preview of what will happen nationwide next year.

State health department officials maintain they are well prepared and told state lawmakers they plan to process roughly 5,000 enrollees monthly.

Growing Confusion, Dwindling Help

Rep. of the Montana House has gotten dozens of calls from confused constituents, specifically about letters like the one Zulick received.

“The notices coming from the department are very, very confusing, and it’s very hard to find help figuring out what’s going on,” said the Democratic legislator, who asked health department leaders about those letters at a hearing in early September. Letters being sent to enrollees have been updated to be clearer, state health officials told lawmakers at the hearing.

In Montana, nearly are subject to the new rules. Medicaid costs are split between the federal and state governments, and states are responsible for administering the program, which provides health insurance for people with low incomes or disabilities.

Under the new work requirements, enrollees must document that they’re working, volunteering, or studying 80 hours per month 鈥� or they must show that they qualify for one of a range of exemptions, such as being “medically frail” or being the primary caretaker for a family member.

Montana began with a soft launch of the work requirements in July and gave enrollees until Oct. 1 to comply.

Critics contend that isn’t enough time, because the state hasn’t finished setting up new computer systems or hiring the staff it said it would need. Of the 59 positions, only about 20 were filled, state health department officials told state lawmakers during the Sept. 9 hearing, adding that numbers had fluctuated amid staff turnover.

State health officials have said they’ll eventually be able to automatically verify that students are enrolled in public universities. However, that computer system isn’t expected to be up and running until next year, leaving students like Zulick to track down and submit the correct paperwork to prove their college enrollment.

However, there are fewer outside resources to help residents with these bureaucratic tasks.

For example, , a nonprofit that helps Montanans fill out such paperwork, lost federal funding last year, going from a staff of 18 to two part-time employees working a phone line.

The state does operate a helpline, but that Montanans stay on hold much longer than the national average and that many callers hang up before they connect with a state employee.

“We were worried about chaos that could be generated by the state rushing,” said , CEO of the Montana Healthcare Foundation, a nonprofit aimed at improving health in the state. “Given how little information the state has provided about what they are doing, I’m much more worried about chaos.”

Wernham pointed to a similar upheaval in 2023, when states undertook a massive process to redetermine the eligibility of all Medicaid enrollees, after regular eligibility checks were paused during the pandemic.

Many Montanans who were financially eligible lost Medicaid coverage for technical reasons, such as incorrectly filling out paperwork 鈥� roughly 87,000, according to state data from two years ago.

Even vulnerable Montanans who didn’t need to file paperwork, because their coverage should have been automatically renewed, were dropped from the Medicaid rolls, including people who were homeless.

A photo of Rep. Mary Caferro speaking at a podium seen from a different angle. Behind her stand several women holding signs that read, "Keep the care in healthcare," and "Medicaid saves lives. Hands off Medicaid."
Montana House Democrat Mary Caferro addresses protesters in July at the Montana Capitol in Helena. Montana is among three states that have adopted Medicaid work requirements months ahead of the federal deadline. The new rules have confused some Montanans on Medicaid, and critics say that confusion will lead to people unnecessarily losing coverage. (Aaron Bolton/MTPR)

Long-Sought Requirements in State

The Montana Legislature passed a measure expressing its desire to add work requirements to Medicaid, but the state didn’t have permission from the federal government to move forward until now.

Having work requirements creates accountability for people who rely on the social safety net, said Montana Senate President , a Republican.

“In an economy like this, if you’re an able-bodied adult that’s able to work, you really do need to step up,” he said.

Asked about confusion among enrollees about the rules, Regier responded that the Oct. 1 deadline offered more than enough time to work out the kinks in the new system.

In the end, Zulick learned she didn’t need to worry about that deadline, because she got married in July and no longer qualified for Medicaid, although she didn’t know that would be the case when she got the June letter.

But others remain scared about losing coverage, including Heather Reel, who attended a rally at the state capitol in July to push back against Montana’s early rollout.

Reel relies on Medicaid for its mental health coverage. Without it, she said, she would struggle to care for her teenage son, who has autism and is nonverbal. Between her shifts at a fast food restaurant and caring for her son, she’s scared she’ll be too busy to figure out how to report her work hours.

Montana’s Rollout a Potential Preview

The handful of states that are implementing the Medicaid work requirements early are building the plane as they’re taking off, said , who provides Medicaid analysis for The Commonwealth Fund, a nonprofit focused on making healthcare more equitable.

“Montana is going to be an example for what we might see nationally as things roll out,” she said.

Although most other states are sticking to the Jan. 1 deadline to build and test their Medicaid systems, they still might not have all the components in place, she said.

If states can’t automatically renew or deny coverage based on the new rules, state workers will have to do so manually, on a case-by-case basis. That could create backlogs and more disruption, leading more people to lose coverage, Coleman said.

Jon Ebelt, a spokesperson for the state’s health department, said in a statement that Montana’s Medicaid office is ready for the change on Oct. 1.

“We are committed to ensuring eligible Montanans maintain coverage while meeting requirements, and we will continue to monitor implementation closely,” Ebelt said.

Democratic state lawmakers have repeatedly asked state health officials to extend the Oct. 1 deadline for enrollees to comply with the new rules, but they’ve said they have no plans to do so.

This article is from a partnership that includes , , and 51视频 Health News.

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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She Left After Waiting Hours in the Emergency Room. The ER Billed Her Anyway. /health-care-costs/emergency-room-not-treated-still-charged-illinois-bill-of-the-month-september-2026/ Tue, 29 Sep 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2290212 Autumn Daniels is no stranger to migraine headaches, which have troubled her since childhood.

The migraine tormenting the 32-year-old in April was even worse than usual. After a week of piercing head pain, she went to an urgent care center near her home in Champaign, Illinois, and received an , a non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug that usually helps with her symptoms. The doctor at the clinic told her that if the pain didn’t improve, she should go to an emergency room the next day.

It didn’t improve. So the next morning, Daniels’ sister took her to a nearby ER, at Carle Foundation Hospital in Urbana. She said the ER didn’t seem very busy when she registered at the front desk and was taken briefly to an exam room, where a staffer checked her vital signs and asked whether she had migraines frequently. Then they told her to sit in the waiting room until she was called.

She and her sister waited. And waited. By then, Daniels said, she was vomiting every 10 minutes, a during one of her serious migraine attacks.

After four hours, with no indication that Daniels would be seen anytime soon, her sister took her to another hospital. There, after a wait of about an hour and a half, Daniels was seen and received treatment, including more Toradol and anti-nausea medication.

Having left Carle without getting treatment, Daniels didn’t expect to be charged.

Then the bill came.

The Medical Service

Daniels said a staffer checked her pulse, temperature, and blood pressure when she arrived at Carle. She said she received no other services, nor was she seen by a doctor.

At one point while they sat in the waiting room, Daniels said, her sister asked for an ice pack for her head, but the staff wouldn’t provide one.

“ER triage is driven by risk of death or serious harm, not by level of suffering,” said Jennifer Robblee, a neurologist at the Barrow Neurological Institute in Phoenix and a board member at the Association of Migraine Disorders. “Migraine patients without red flags are unlikely to be prioritized, as they are not at immediate risk of dying.”

The Bill

$410 for an “Emergency Room Level 1” visit. Daniels said she requested an itemized bill showing how the hospital arrived at that figure but never received one.

This is not the first time that a patient has complained to 51视频 Health News’ “Bill of the Month” about receiving a bill after leaving a Carle Health emergency room without being treated. In 2023, Maggi Wettstein took her toddler to a different Carle Health hospital and was billed $445 for a nasal swab test for covid and influenza. They, too, left before getting treatment.

The Billing Problem: What Counts as Care?

Though Daniels left the emergency room after a four-hour wait without being treated, the hospital billed her anyway. Her health plan, provided through her job as a state employee, paid for her treatment at the second hospital but denied the Carle claim, leaving her on the hook for the charges.

“Under the terms of her health plan, claims associated with a patient leaving the facility against medical advice are not eligible for coverage,” Leslie Porras, a spokesperson for HealthLink, which administers Daniels’ plan, said in a statement.

When Daniels asked about her bill, a Carle representative responded in an email that said: “Effective March 1, 2026, Emergency Department visits may result in charges even if you are not seen directly by a provider. When you arrive at the Emergency Department, your visit begins as soon as care is initiated.”

The email said “care” could mean registration and nursing assessment, in addition to diagnostic testing and treatment. It said that even if patients leave without being seen by a provider, they may still be charged, because the hospital is using resources to maintain its staff, space, and equipment.

Carle Health declined to discuss Daniels’ bill or her care with 51视频 Health News, even though Daniels signed a privacy waiver that authorized it to do so.

Autumn Daniels stands in front of a window with a variety of plants on shelves.
Daniels was not expecting to be charged after leaving an emergency room without receiving treatment. But a health system representative later told her an ER visit begins “as soon as care is initiated,” which could mean when the patient registers at the front desk and is assessed for triage purposes. (Taylor Glascock for 51视频 Health News)

In a statement, Carle Health spokesperson Brittany Simon said, “Our Emergency Department has consistent billing practices for triage care,” referring to the process through which patients are evaluated to ensure the most critical cases are treated first.

“Carle Health takes patient concerns seriously and supports transparency in our billing processes,” she said.

Typically, an ER bill would include separate dollar amounts for physician charges and hospital charges, said Amber Padron, assistant director of case management at the Patient Advocate Foundation, a nonprofit that assists patients with chronic or life-threatening conditions.

Daniels’ bill listed a single charge, for $410. Under the description, it said “Emergency Room Level 1” and included the current procedural terminology code “99281.” CPT codes are used to bill for evaluation and management, or E/M, services provided by a medical professional. is the lowest level of emergency care.

But there’s a catch: According to the American Medical Association’s CPT guide, “Triage alone is not an E/M service; therefore, it cannot be reported with an E/M code.”

It gets murkier. According to Robert Mills, a spokesperson for the AMA, the physician charge for an emergency visit under that CPT code would generally be significantly less than $410.

“It is likely the hospital consolidated the provider-billed charge with a facility fee,” Mills said, referring to a fee that hospitals tack onto bills to cover their overhead costs, such as utilities.

Amid the billing uncertainty, Daniels is clear about one thing: The decision to charge ER patients who leave without getting treatment is recent.

In 2025, she went to the same emergency room with gastrointestinal problems. After waiting for several hours, she went elsewhere for care. She said that before leaving, her mother, who accompanied her that day, confirmed with the front desk that Daniels wouldn’t be charged if they left then. And she wasn’t.

“So when I went in for this visit in April, I had no idea I was going to be charged, because it was a very similar set of circumstances,” Daniels said.

The health system didn’t respond to a question about why it changed its policy.

The Resolution

Carle didn’t budge. According to the health system’s email to Daniels, “the charges have been determined to be accurate and fully supported by the medical record documentation.”

Daniels said she paid $25 of the $410 bill and has applied for financial assistance.

Meanwhile, according to HealthLink’s statement to 51视频 Health News, Daniels can contest her health plan’s denial: “Ms. Daniels has the right to appeal the decision through the established appeals process.”

She’s considering it, but she remains outraged about what happened.

“How is it ethical or even legal for a hospital to essentially bill for occupying a waiting room?” she asked.

Daniels sits at a table with her arms folded on the table.
Daniels is considering contesting her health plan’s denial of coverage for the ER bill: “How is it ethical or even legal for a hospital to essentially bill for occupying a waiting room?” (Taylor Glascock for 51视频 Health News)

The Takeaway

Don’t assume you won’t be billed if you leave a hospital before receiving medical care. You can check with the front desk about the facility’s policy, as well as ask your insurer whether it provides coverage for such bills.

If the hospital billing department isn’t giving you information about what services you’re being billed for, request your medical records, said Padron, of the Patient Advocate Foundation.

Furthermore, when your health plan processes a claim, you should receive an explanation of benefits informing you of that and explaining what you may owe. Keep an eye on your mail and your insurance portal.

When a claim is denied, filing an appeal with your health plan is always a smart idea, Padron said.

“It’s always going to be a no if you don’t appeal,” she said.

Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by 51视频 Health News and that dissects and explains medical bills. Since 2018, this series has helped many patients and readers get their medical bills reduced, and it has been cited in statehouses, at the U.S. Capitol, and at the White House. Do you have a confusing or outrageous medical bill you want to share? Tell us about it!

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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Republicans and Democrats Find a Unifying Target: Pharmacy Benefit Managers /health-industry/pharmacy-benefit-managers-pbms-drug-costs-common-ground-tennessee/ Mon, 28 Sep 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2281035 Amye Joseph says America’s political polarization has made it an “interesting time” in her Tennessee household. She and her husband, Charlie, have been married 35 years. She’s a Republican. He’s a Democrat.

But their shared disenchantment with profit-driven healthcare has provided a unifying target: pharmacy benefit managers, known as PBMs. The Josephs’ frustration is focused on CVS Health. The conglomerate, which reported $400 billion in revenue last year, includes a major health insurer (Aetna), one of the country’s dominant PBMs (CVS Caremark), and America’s largest retail pharmacy chain.

“We hate CVS. I’m going to be straight-up,” Amye Joseph said.

She laments the lack of face-to-face interaction with pharmacists, prices that seem to rise without explanation, and pressure from the couple’s CVS Caremark drug plan to use CVS stores instead of their local pharmacy. “They’re not even a middleman,” she said. “They’re a money grab for CVS.”

PBMs were conceived as a way to manage prescriptions and hold down costs. But these middlemen have become bipartisan punching bags, accused of sucking up profits at the expense of employers, governments, and patients.

And while healthcare debates still divide Democrats and Republicans in Washington, D.C., taking on PBMs has become a unifying cause in an era of widespread frustration over rising healthcare costs.

In recent years, every state has imposed restrictions on PBMs. The Josephs’ home state of Tennessee, where the GOP has a lock on state government, is among a growing number looking to outlaw companies that own PBMs from also owning brick-and-mortar pharmacies, as CVS does.

That’s aligned conservative, business-friendly Republicans with Democrats traditionally more open to government regulation.

This legislative push reflects a feeling even in the GOP that the market for prescription drugs is being gamed, said Antonio Ciaccia, CEO of , a nonprofit think tank that tracks drug pricing.

“Republicans are looking at this issue, saying, We know what competition is supposed to do, and it isn’t happening,” said Ciaccia, a critic of the PBM industry. “This is not a free market.”

Charlie Joseph, a retired fire captain who now works as a custodian, was miffed when he realized he could save money on his blood pressure medication if he paid cash at his local pharmacy rather than using his CVS Caremark drug plan. He now buys a 90-day supply for the same price he would have paid for a 30-day supply through the CVS plan.

Charlie and Amye Joseph stand on their porch.
The Josephs don’t like dealing with pharmacy benefit managers. PBMs, designed as intermediaries between drugmakers and insurance companies to negotiate drug prices, have become targets of bipartisan anger over health costs. (Earl Neikirk for 51视频 Health News)

“Right now, it’s more of an inconvenience than anything else as far as it goes, but there’s no consistency,” he said. “The whole healthcare thing is just frustrating, on a good day.”

CVS spokesperson Phil Blando said the price of individual drugs can vary.

“Looking at the price of a single prescription does not reflect the value of a comprehensive pharmacy benefit,” he said in a statement. “Our focus remains delivering the lowest possible total cost and the greatest overall value for members and plan sponsors.”

Unified Opposition

PBM officials say their industry has been unfairly maligned. “PBMs are the only part of the prescription drug supply chain working to lower drug costs, which makes PBMs the target of powerful groups, Big Pharma and pharmacists,” said Greg Lopes, a spokesperson for the Pharmaceutical Care Management Association, which represents PBMs across the nation.

“Drug manufacturers attempt to shift blame for high drug costs to PBMs in order to retain their profit margins and weaken PBMs’ ability to lower costs,” he said.

Drugmakers have worked for years to cast PBMs as unnecessary go-betweens, said Barak Richman, a lawyer and economist who studies healthcare competition at George Washington University. He called the fight between the two industries a corporate “cage match.”

“We have wildly passionate partisan divides on a lot of healthcare,” he said. “But there’s a lot of healthcare policy that I don’t think is obviously partisan.”

PBMs haven’t won over many Democrats or Republicans. Attorneys general from nearly 40 states and U.S. territories last year to congressional leaders arguing that “horizontal consolidation and vertical integration have transformed PBMs from useful administrative service providers into market-dominating behemoths.”

In state legislatures like Tennessee’s, shared ownership of PBMs and pharmacies has drawn particular fire. Independent pharmacies have little choice but to contract with major PBMs while also competing with the conglomerate-owned pharmacies. Many lawmakers have said they want to protect small businesses.

“If a corporation argues that its pharmacy cannot survive unless it is owned by the same entity that sets the reimbursement rate, then we’re not talking about a free market. We’re talking about control,” Tennessee state Sen. Bobby Harshbarger said in a February legislative hearing.

Harshbarger, a Republican who led the legislative push, is a pharmacist in a small city in northeastern Tennessee.

His mother, U.S. Rep. Diana Harshbarger (R-Tenn.), is also a pharmacist and has sponsored a similar PBM ownership ban . The Senate version has brought together some unlikely bedfellows, such as Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Josh Hawley (R-Mo.).

State Lawmakers vs. CVS

CVS officials argued the Tennessee legislation was misguided. “Any proposed reform should be evaluated based on whether it improves access to care, simplifies the patient experience, and enhances affordability,” Blando said.

It’s unclear whether the PBM ownership ban will do that in Tennessee. by the state legislature’s researchers concluded that the bill could drive up healthcare costs in the short term.

To fight the bill, CVS launched a $7 million , claiming it would have to close all its 134 pharmacies in the state, similar to its threat in neighboring Arkansas when state lawmakers there passed in 2025.

CVS also sent to Tennessee customers, asking them to contact their lawmakers to keep pharmacies open. from CVS helped kill a PBM ownership ban in Louisiana last year.

Sponsors of the legislation said closure wasn’t the only option: CVS could also divest either its stores or its PBM.

Tennessee lawmakers moved forward. State Sen. Rusty Crowe, a Republican from northeastern Tennessee, where the Josephs live, told his colleagues before the vote that they should consider the fierce resistance a sign that they were onto something.

“I learned when I was in the Vietnam War, when you start taking on flak, you know you’re over the damn target,” he said.

As with most votes in Tennessee’s legislature, Republicans didn’t need support from Democrats. But they got it anyway.

State Rep. Antonio Parkinson, a Democrat from Memphis, said he felt like he was voting in favor of lower drug prices and supporting “ma and pa” pharmacies. “If there’s a benefit to my people, I’m supporting it.”

CVS has not divested or closed its pharmacies in states that have passed ownership bans 鈥� the laws have yet to take effect. The Arkansas ban is being held up in court after CVS challenged the constitutionality of the law. CVS also sued in Tennessee, though the ownership ban doesn’t take effect until 2028.

This article is from a partnership that includes , , and 51视频 Health News.

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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Healthcare a Vague but Potent Issue for Election 2026 /podcast/what-the-health-464-midterm-election-obamacare-fraud-september-24-2026/ Thu, 24 Sep 2026 19:05:21 +0000 /?p=2289154&post_type=podcast&preview_id=2289154 The Host
Julie Rovner photo
Julie Rovner 51视频 Health News Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of 51视频 Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

Healthcare, in particular its rising costs, is a key issue for voters in both parties this fall. But lawmakers are offering a variety of remedies on the campaign trail, suggesting that neither party has an agreed-upon approach.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration has apparently backed off a plan 鈥� for now 鈥� to create a political board to review scientific grant awards from the National Institutes of Health. The pause came after public complaints from Senate Appropriations Committee Chair Susan Collins of Maine, who is fighting to retain her seat and, possibly, maintain the GOP majority in the upper chamber.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of 51视频 Health News, Tami Luhby of CNN, Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico Magazine, and Sarah Jane Tribble of 51视频 Health News.

Panelists

Tami Luhby photo
Tami Luhby CNN
Joanne Kenen photo
Joanne Kenen Johns Hopkins University and Politico
Sarah Jane Tribble photo
Sarah Jane Tribble 51视频 Health News Read Sarah's stories.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • A new 51视频-AP rural-voter polling project found that affordability issues are central concerns in rural America. Overall, 48% of rural voters say the economy is worse off than it was at the start of President Donald Trump’s term, and healthcare is one of the key pain points. Findings also indicate that among rural voters 鈥� historically a strong Trump constituency 鈥� about half still approve of the president’s job performance. Some of these voters, though, said they may sit this election out. That’s notable because the midterms are often determined by who shows up.
  • The Trump administration is pushing its anti-fraud agenda as an election issue, using it as a counternarrative to Democrats’ complaints that Republicans’ refusal to extend covid-era Affordable Care Act subsidies led to a large drop in ACA enrollment this year. This week, Vice President JD Vance announced that the administration was cutting 750,000 more enrollees from Obamacare, alleging they are fraudulently enrolled.
  • Despite early suggestions that the administration would back away from the anti-vaccine views pushed by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., both he and Trump this past week continued to push anti-vaccine efforts. Kennedy was the keynote speaker at the conference of the anti-vaccine organization he helped found, while Trump in an Oval Office event suggested that currently administered childhood vaccines be divided into five separate doses.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: 51视频 Health News’ “The Drugs and Devices Have Been on the Market for Years. But FDA-Ordered Studies Still Aren’t Done,” by David Hilzenrath.

Tami Luhby: The Wall Street Journal’s “,” by Liz Essley Whyte.

Joanne Kenen: Slate’s “,” by Molly Olmstead.

Sarah Jane Tribble: Stat’s “,” by John Wilkerson.

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

  • 51视频 Health News and The Associated Press’ “Economic Frustration Tests Trump’s Standing With Rural Voters, New 51视频-AP Poll Finds,” by Sarah Jane Tribble, Ali Swenson, and Linley Sanders.
  • Axios’ “,” by Caitlin Owens and Adriel Bettelheim.
  • The Washington Post’s “,” by Dan Diamond and Riley Beggin.
  • The Washington Post’s “,” by Dan Diamond and Riley Beggin.
  • 51视频’s “,” by Matt McGough, Lynne Cotter, Justin Lo, Imani Telesford, Ashley Ferguson, Avni Gupta, and Juliette Cubanski.
Click to open the transcript Transcript: Healthcare a Vague but Potent Issue for Election 2026

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using transcription software. It has been edited for style and clarity.] 

Julie Rovner: Hello, from 51视频 Health News and WAMU Public Radio in Washington, D.C. Welcome to What the Health? I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for 51视频 Health News. And, as always, I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters covering Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Sept. 24, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So here we go. Today we are joined via video conference by Tami Luhby of CNN. 

Tami Luhby: Hello. 

Rovner: Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico Magazine. 

Joanne Kenen: Hi, everybody. 

Rovner: And my 51视频 Health News colleague Sarah Jane Tribble. 

Sarah Jane Tribble: Good to be here. 

Rovner: No interview this week, but plenty of news. So let’s dive right in. We’re less than six weeks away from the midterm elections, and healthcare, particularly its rising cost, is shaping up as a top issue for voters. Sarah, I want to start with you this week because you’re part of a new polling project that 51视频 is doing with the AP, looking at rural voters. What did our new poll find about rural voters and their views on healthcare? 

Tribble: Yeah. Well, the big headline is that 48% of rural voters believe the economy is worse off now, and that leads into healthcare because their key pain points are, not surprisingly, gas, groceries, and healthcare. Those all rank right up above 60% of those who are polled. They polled about 2,200 roughly rural Americans across the U.S. in August, mid-August. So this is a very fresh poll, only focused on rural Americans, which, as we know, is a key voting bloc for [President Donald] Trump and the Republican Party. 

Rovner: So 鈥� the rural voters tend to be more heavily Republican, right? 

Tribble: Yeah, they tend to skew Republican. Yep. 

Rovner: But there are fewer of them. So, but they’re a key voting bloc. 鈥� What did they find in terms of, you know, their continued support for President Trump and Republicans in general? 

Tribble: Yeah. So, you know, it was an interesting survey in the nuance. And what I love about this, and I’ve been covering rural America for four or five years now, exclusively, and there is a lot of nuance in rural America. It’s not a monolith, right? There’s lots of different people. So, while 48% of rural voters believe the economy is worse off now, about half also still approve of Trump’s job performance. And so what we’re finding is the Republicans 鈥� I talked to one expert, Tim Slack at the Louisiana State University. He’s a sociology professor. He’s written some books. What he said was he expects Republicans to sit this one out. And we talked to an array of Republicans, and that’s sort of what we heard. And you’ll have to read our story, but that’s pretty much what’s in there. 

Rovner: I will link to the story. But that’s really important because I mean one of the things we know about midterms, it’s not just who supports who and who opposes who, but who actually shows up to vote, right? 

Tribble: Right. Yeah. And what was really interesting for me, personally 鈥� and it’s, like, one of my colleagues and I were talking, and he was like, “You have a front-row seat to the elections,” because, you know, rural Americans, they too tend to come out to vote. They skew older, and they tend to be voters, right? But when I talked to the Democrats, they were certainly going to the polls. They definitely knew who they were voting for. But the Republicans I talked to, for the most part, were very sort of like, Well, I’ll definitely vote for this Republican, but maybe not my Senate seat, because I’m not happy with them. So it was a really interesting sort of pause that they would give. 

Rovner: So yeah, it’s an early indication, as we say. Well, healthcare is also playing a role in several high-profile Senate races. Michigan, of course, is a top one, pitting Democrat Abdul El-Sayed, a longtime backer of “Medicare for All,” against Republican Mike Rogers, a former House member who is touting price transparency as his health platform. But health is also showing up in Iowa, where Republican Rep. Ashley Hinson says she’ll fight Big Insurance, while Democrat Josh Turek says he’ll fight Big Pharma. And in Ohio, where Democratic former senator and Affordable Care Act sponsor Sherrod Brown is pushing to rein in insurance company denials, while Republican opponent Jon Husted is both vowing to overhaul the Affordable Care Act and restore the expanded subsidies that expired last year, at least temporarily. So it looks like , but in many different pieces. Am I sort of reading this right? 

Kenen: I think, rather than being a healthcare election in great big capital letters 鈥� which we’ve all lived through a number of those, both in the primaries and in the generals 鈥� I think it’s falling under this larger affordability issue. Like, I think that it now has a whole bunch of dollar signs instead of vowels. And I think healthcare is a big concern for people. We hear about it every day, but it’s part of this longer, Oh my God, life is just too, too, too expensive. And then there’s also this big 鈥� distrust of big things, including Big Pharma, Big Insurance, big everything. Right? At the same time, this is a really fast-moving political environment. Well, we all know that since, you know, by the end of the day, it feels like 20 years. And the issue, which started out as the data center issues; it’s now a larger existential fear of AI, and what is going to be done about it, and who is afraid. So this is a really shifting election. Like, what is going to motivate people? And what happens is even more un- 鈥� I mean, elections are unpredictable by definition, and this is going to be 鈥� like, if it was right today, the Democrats would be extremely happy. But who knows how many news cycles we go through between today and tomorrow? So yes, it’s a healthcare election, but we’re not calling it a healthcare election. 

Rovner: I was more thinking that it’s 鈥� 

Kenen: I mean, existential, getting wiped out is a health issue! 

Rovner: I was more thinking, though, that neither party actually has a health platform. I’m sort of struck by how Democrats and Republicans are all talking about health, but they’re all talking about different pieces of it, because we know that within each party there are differences in what they want to do about healthcare. 

Luhby: Right, and I think that’s one of the main issues. I mean, the Democrats are talking about how they want to extend the expired Affordable Care Act premium subsidies, which caused a lot of premiums to go up for many millions of people, but they also want to reverse the Medicaid cuts and the [One] Big Beautiful Bill. But then you also have the other side, where they’re talking about Medicare for All among the progressives, so they’re sort of split within themselves, and they don’t have exactly a unified message. And the Republicans are on the ropes this year on healthcare, as they have been in other elections. And this year, you know, they don’t want to highlight all of the cuts that they’ve made. So they’re highlighting, you know, their efforts to fight fraud. We saw [Vice President JD] Vance’s announcement earlier this week, and they’re touting, many of them are touting the Rural Health Transformation Fund, the $50 billion fund that was in the Big Beautiful Bill, without saying that the Medicaid cuts are going to affect rural America far more than the transformation fund will help them. 

Tribble: Yeah, one of the interesting findings in the research study 鈥� so, this Rural Health Transformation Program is something I’ve been following pretty closely 鈥� and one of the interesting findings in it for rural America is they pretty much hadn’t heard of it. 

Rovner: So for all of that effort! 

Luhby: Yeah, that’s surprising because so many of the candidates in that, you know, area are touting it on the trail. 

Tribble: Yeah, well, and at the same time, though, they also pretty much hadn’t heard of Medicaid changes either. Even people I talked to who had kids enrolled in Medicaid said they were pretty much unaware 鈥� maybe some cuts were coming. I did talk to a former hospital worker who said, “Yeah, it’s going to hurt a lot of people.” But she was a Democrat. Most of the people I talked to were unaware of Medicaid, and they also were unaware of the Rural Health Transformation Program and its impact. So I don’t know where that leaves the Republicans, but their messaging just isn’t getting out there on at least the RHT. 

Rovner: Well, to pick up on what Tami 鈥� oh, Joanne, go ahead. 

Kenen: I think people are just very overwhelmed, like, I don’t think 鈥� it’s really hard to know, like, people have these gut feelings and these sort of ideological identities, but everybody’s so overwhelmed by everything right now. I even wonder with the polls, like, who even answers their cellphone for it? We already made the shift from landline to cellphones, right? I mean, everybody is just swamped, and some people have just tuned out, and some people just can’t absorb everything that’s out there. So I don’t think voters are that well informed about the facts. I think a lot of people vote on guts and, you know, sort of gut feelings, and I think that’s always been true to a certain extent. But 鈥� you can’t poll on whether people are paying attention to polls. 

Luhby: One thing that an expert told me a couple of years ago that I thought was really, you know, insightful was the fact that people see their gas prices every time they fill up or every time they pass the gas station. They see the increase in grocery prices every time they go to, you know, buy food or go to a restaurant or so. But they only see their healthcare increases when they need care, or maybe once a month for the premium. So, you know, I think you were right, Joanne, when you said that the healthcare is now sort of lumped into a larger issue of affordability. But the affordability crisis that people are really seeing daily or weekly are gas and groceries, not necessarily healthcare. 

Tribble: In my interviews, what I noticed was people 鈥� I would like call people, and they were 鈥� one guy was at the gas station who was filling up his truck, right? A grandmother talked about how much her groceries were and how her gas and grocery bill every week was $200, which was just a lot for just her, right, in Iowa. And so it’s very salient to them and very tangible, like you said, Tami, that those costs are right in front of them. And, frankly, it should not be overlooked that for a lot of people, they don’t pay attention to diesel prices, but diesel prices have a huge impact on people in rural America, especially, not only because they’re using it for their trucks and the farming equipment, but they just use it more. So these affordability issues, these pocketbook issues and concerns, the messaging on that is not positive for either party right now. 

Kenen: And you don’t have to message. You just have to pull out your wallet, right? I mean, all of us can afford our groceries, but I’m aware. I mean, when you go into the store, you see. I mean, I think even people who are not pressed are shopping differently, and thinking differently. So, I mean, I think people aren’t necessarily paying attention to the messaging, but they are paying attention to the lived experience, which, as Tami said, you see on every gas station every time you drive by. Even if you’re in an EV [electric vehicle], you’re aware of it. 

Rovner: So, also, as Tami said, the administration seems to be pushing its fraud agenda as its big health issue. As you mentioned, Vice President JD Vance had a press conference Tuesday to announce that the administration is canceling the ACA [Affordable Care Act] policies of more than three-quarters of a million people, who the administration suspects are fraudulently enrolled in the program. Now, one of their indications is that these enrollees haven’t filed a claim. But I did a little digging, and, according to our Peterson-51视频 Health [System] Tracker, it’s not at all unusual for people not to file a claim. First of all, most people are healthy most of the time. The bottom half of the population only accounts for 3% of healthcare spending. By comparison, the top 5% account for 50% of healthcare spending. Also, those with the cheapest plans tend to have the biggest deductibles, and now the average Affordable Care Act deductible is nearly $4,000. So even if you do have a medical expense, you’re likely not to bother to file a claim that you know isn’t going to be covered. So I know fraud is one of the really big Republican answers to rising healthcare costs this year, but is it really good politics to announce you’re taking away people’s health insurance, like, the month before people go to the polls? 

Luhby: Well, I mean, again, they’re saying that they’re actually not taking away health insurance. If you listen to the press conference, both Vice President Vance and CMS [Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services] Administrator Mehmet Oz said that a lot of these people are phantom enrollees. That this is all just fraud. That brokers and agents, you know, seeking higher commissions, signed up people who don’t necessarily exist. And they argued that other people may not have known that they had ACA insurance, or they may not be eligible, so therefore they don’t qualify. Now, I’m not necessarily justifying that, but that’s what they’re arguing. They’re not saying they’re ripping it away from, you know, people who, you know, should be on the plans. And then, you know, they are taking some measures against fraud. They’re suspending brokers and agents who are suspected of fraud. They’re going to be more strict with the guidelines. But interestingly, they’re also putting a moratorium on new brokers and agents, which could make it harder for people to sign up in coming months. You know, as you said, Julie, open enrollment. Well, you had said it’s right before the election. It’s also right before open enrollment starts on Nov. 1. So, you know, I think there are probably a lot of brokers and agents, and, of course, the government navigators out there to help people. But, you know, it’s possible that some people may not be able to be helped as quickly because there is now this moratorium. But the discussion of the nonmedical claims, which Dr. Oz also really focused on, is coming from Paragon [Health Institute], which is run by Brian Blase, who was, you know, is a conservative health policy leader and was involved in the first Trump administration, and he’s definitely very involved in this administration as well. 

Rovner: And I actually saw some pushback about that, you know, how they are counting people who don’t file a claim. I saw some pushback from the insurance industry that said, you know, they’re double-counting some of these. If you’ve changed plans, if you, you know, even if you were only in a plan for a month and you didn’t file a claim, they’re looking at that as you having been enrolled in that plan all year. So yes, there definitely is some fraud. We’ve known this since my colleague Julie Appleby helped uncover what was going on back in, I think, 2023, definitely in 2024. The Biden administration addressed this; the Trump administration has also already addressed this. But it seems unlikely that they’re going to revoke, you know, 750,000 policies and all of those are going to be phantom enrollees, or people who didn’t know they had coverage. There’s going to be some number of those people who have insurance and assume they have insurance, or who assumed they had insurance and may go to use their insurance and find they no longer have it. 

Luhby: Right, and that is, I mean, people have definitely been concerned that some, you know, legitimate enrollees will be caught up on this. And you know that was a question that actually came up in the press conference, and they said, “Well, you know, we worked really hard. We sent FedEx letters. We tried to contact them. We knocked on doors. We went to their houses.” You know, I don’t know if they or the insurers actually did that, but yeah, there are people who are concerned that just giving people 30 days to respond and prove they’re real may not be enough. 

Kenen: On the politics level, there’s the two fighting messages, which is, you know, We’re getting rid of the crooks and the fraudsters, right? And then there’s the, more on the Democratic side, They’re taking, they’re ripping health insurance out of people’s hands. And the truth is, there’s, you know, Julie, you all just said, you know, there is fraud out there, and we all know that, and none of us are, I mean, we don’t want to be endorsing fraud. But there’s a policy reason, too. Some of these people who are supposedly not making claims are healthy. You know, like, they just didn’t get sick this year. Doesn’t mean they won’t get sick next year or be in a car accident, or what else? But right now, it’s good for insurance risk pools, it’s good for the ACA, to have healthy people in it. So the idea that we’re going to look for people who don’t have health claims and kick out the healthiest ones is just going to raise costs for the sick ones. It’s what they call the death spiral, right, or the insurance death spiral. So 鈥�  

Rovner: And it already is raising costs. We know that. 

Kenen: Right. Right. So, I mean, there’s something like, on a policy basis, yes, go for the fraud. Make sure it’s really fraud. Stop talking about the individual 鈥� although the CMS press release was balanced, it was really, it did not talk about crooked recipients. It really did talk 鈥� I went back and read it, because politicians talk about it differently. But the CMS press release was about brokers and fraud on the business side. It wasn’t blaming the individuals. But people hear “fraud,” and, you know, get away from that. Figure out where the fraud is and where the need is and what the smart economic policy 鈥� knowing what we know about insurance 鈥� is, and don’t do things that are going to raise costs as you scream “fraud.” 

Tribble: I guess the question I had actually was, you know, I did not cover this announcement, and, Tami, it sounds like maybe you did, but did they say they were cutting subsidies, or are they canceling the arrangements with the individuals? Like, are they working with the insurance companies, or are they just canceling? I don’t quite understand the actual practical implication of it, basically, what’s happening. 

Luhby: That’s also one thing that’s not 100% clear. 

Rovner: Yeah, I went back and watched, and yeah, it was all a little bit vague. So, we will see how this plays out. But I guarantee there are going to be people who are not fraudulent who are going to get caught up in this, because there always are. All right. 

Kenen: And there’s some people who don’t exist. I mean, there probably really are some phantoms. 

Rovner: And absolutely, I mean, I’m sure there are a lot of phantoms. I don’t doubt that. 

Tribble: And before you leave the topic, Julie, I think it bears pointing out that all of this is happening, this announcement comes just as people are looking at that open enrollment and looking at their premiums and deductibles and copays going up on the marketplace as well. So it’s just an onslaught against these ACA plans at this point. 

Rovner: That’s right. And one of the things we know is that it’s not the greedy insurance companies, as some politicians are saying. Healthcare costs are going up, and therefore premiums across the board in the ACA, in Medicare, in employer health insurance, premiums are going up everywhere. We’re seeing that this year.  

All right, moving on. Over the summer, we talked about a regulation from the White House Office of Management and Budget that would impose a layer of political oversight over the grant process, pretty much across the government. Congress has blocked that regulation, at least until December. But late last week, The Washington Post reported that the administration was preparing an executive order to create a political oversight committee just for grants from the National Institutes of Health, basically trying to ensure that all biomedical research funding advances the president’s priorities. It appears, as of Wednesday, the administration is backing off on that, after Senate Appropriations Committee Chair Susan Collins of Maine, who’s battling to keep her seat and with it the possible Republican majority in the entire Senate, she complained publicly about this. But what would it mean if the administration actually follows through with such an overt politicization of the scientific grant process? 

Tribble: I mean the power to veto the awards that the National Institutes of Health gives, the huge research portfolio that they have, and use politics to veto that, I mean, it’s just a really interesting battle going on because [NIH Director Jay] Bhattacharya, he, you know, he has long been an advocate of some of these policies that, or these research programs, that are focused on minority populations. So it’s interesting to watch play out. It’ll be interesting to see what the next step is for the administration. 

Rovner: Yeah, I mean, according to several news sources, I think this was , there was a big fight in the Oval Office last week with Jay Bhattacharya, the head of NIH, a former researcher who’s received NIH grants, and Russell Vought, the head of the Office of Management and Budget, who’s behind this effort to put a political layer of approval on top of the grant-making process. And, according to the stories, Vought won. Although now 鈥� after Susan Collins wrote a strongly worded letter, that I actually snidely said, “Well, this isn’t going to have much impact.” Clearly, it did. So I was wrong. And again, as I point out, Collins is also is embattled right now and needs to keep her seat. And it would behoove the administration for Collins to keep her seat and keep the Republican majority. But, you know, there seems to be a lot of pushing and pulling in this administration about, you know, how much they want to try and basically take away Congress’ ability to determine how this money gets spent. It’s $47 billion for NIH every year, and Congress has long, you know, bipartisanly, maintained that they get to determine how that money is spent, not the administration. They say, You’re going to spend it this way. The administration’s job is to do that. 

Kenen: The other thing is this fight, you know, which Collins has won for now, this panel overseeing your final review of grants, is not the politicization of science. The politicization of science started on Jan. 20 of 2025. NIH grants have been cut. We’ve all seen the wars. You know, like, “wars” is not too strong a word between the administration and leading research universities. The funding that’s been cut. Those are very NIH-funded institutions 鈥� Harvard being the one that’s sort of most in the headlines consistently, but it’s not just Harvard. There’s a list of banned words that if, you know, “diversity” and things like that, that you can’t get funded for. So there’s all sorts of politicization of science that has already occurred, that has been, is occurring every single day. This would have taken it to another level. Collins, for now, has won, and she has some 鈥� there’s a few other voices speaking up. I noticed that Sen. [Dave] McCormick, from 鈥� I believe 鈥� I’m saying his name right, Julie, correct me. I’m going to say that again. If it’s wrong, tell me later. I believe Sen. McCormick of Pennsylvania, a Republican of Pennsylvania, has and some statements saying, you know, science is important. Science cures. Science also is great for our economy. Science is a driver of 鈥� the ROI [return of investment] on NIH is high. So the politicization isn’t starting. 鈥� This was an attempt to escalate it, and we’ll see where it goes. I mean, Collins has been pretty consistent on this. She did get the temporary blockage of related proposals 鈥� 

Rovner: The regulation, yeah. 

Kenen: Yeah. So this has been a consistent issue for her, and, you know, I think she’s been successful so far. 

Rovner: Well, I think, and I’m so glad that you said that. You know, this all, the politicization of science started when this administration, you know, took office because I think that’s been one of the undercovered stories, really, of last year and this year, about how the nation’s entire biomedical research establishment is struggling under not just the cuts and the delays imposed by the administration, but the uncertainty and their inability to plan. The Harvard Crimson has two interesting stories this week related to this. In one, the Harvard School of Public Health is considering approaching some major health corporations, including UnitedHealthcare and CVS/Aetna, to help make up for the federal funding cuts that they’ve seen. Just two days later, the Crimson reported that three current and former Harvard researchers, one each from the medical school, the School of Public Health, and the Kennedy School of Government, are all leaving Harvard to go to Canadian universities. We’ve talked about a potential brain drain before, as European universities kind of upped their recruiting of American scientists. Are we actually seeing this exodus start? I mean, biomedical research, as you pointed out, Joanne, you know, the return on investment for biomedical research in this country has been huge. This is an enormous and bipartisan engine of economic development in this country, and people are sort of not paying attention as it’s kind of crumbling. 

Kenen: It’s not just scientists either. I mean, first of all, it’s not just Harvard. There are academics from across the country. I do not have the numbers. I can’t cite you an 鈥� accurate number. But scientists, researchers, and the social sciences and humanities too. I mean, there are academics, not just the international ones, who have to go home for some of the students, but the American academics in science and non-science have left the country in numbers that are worth paying attention to. Although it’s not like they’ve all gotten into, like, you know Noah’s Ark. 鈥� But the other thing is it’s not just future science. They have cut large numbers of clinical trials that were already underway, which means that we’ve lost the investment we already made, and that people, you know, who’ve been given their time and volunteered for these trials also don’t get, they got cut off from them. So, I mean, I just 鈥� it’s not a left-right thing. I just don’t understand the common sense of stopping a cancer trial midway or stopping an Alzheimer’s trial or anything else midway and throwing out the money and the knowledge, because these are not partisan. Republicans and Democrats agree that cancer is bad, you know, like Republicans and Democrats, and I dare say independents, don’t want to get Alzheimer’s or see their loved ones get Alzheimer’s. I’ve just never totally understood why this has been seen by top officials in the Trump administration as a good thing. 

 

Tribble: I mean, I think we need to go back to what you said, Joanne, which is January 2025. There were two executive orders on “woke” things, right? Diversity, inclusion, and all that. And I have not been focused on these particular grants, but I’ve been writing about the Digital Equity Act from a broadband standpoint that affects, you know, tons of rural Americans and their ability to do telehealth, for example, and things like that. And that act has been under fire from President Trump, and they have been using those executive orders as a way to sort of attack not only science and research and the things that we watch here with the federal agencies, but across the board in the administration. If it’s considered a “woke” mandate, they’ve gone after it. So I think we do have to go back to that and look at those executive orders and say that’s the game plan. Right? And so I just wanted to note that. I do think these grants have been undercovered. I think this research has been undercovered. But I also think across the board with this administration, those executive orders have had a large impact. 

Rovner: Yeah, you know, we talk about how executive orders don’t have the power of law. Although, I will say, in this administration, executive orders have had a lot of power to actually do things, as we’ve pointed out, sometimes maybe not legally. You know, sometimes we’ve had courts step in to stop them. But this administration has always been: Do it first and ask permission later. All right, we’re going to take a quick break. We’ll be right back. 

So I am old enough to remember when we were told that Republican pollsters told the White House to stop talking about 鈥� and stop HHS [Health and Human Services] Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. from talking about 鈥� vaccines, because anti-vax sentiment wasn’t popular with voters. Well, that advice didn’t seem to age well. Last week, we had RFK Jr. giving the keynote at a conference of the group Children’s Health Defense. That’s the anti-vax organization he helped found. In his hourlong-plus speech, Kennedy told the group that it has a “strong and steadfast friend” in Donald Trump, among other things, and promised new studies into the effects of electromagnetic fields and contrails, the water vapor clouds emitted by jets. Meanwhile, Trump himself doubled down on his earlier vaccine comments 鈥� this time, urging the drugmakers divide regular doses of vaccines into five separate doses. It’s not clear which vaccines he was talking about. In an effort to reduce autism, this, despite the fact that vaccine doses are carefully tested already, and there is no evidence that any vaccine or combination of vaccines has anything to do with causing autism. Do they care more about the anti-vaccine base and maybe getting them out to vote, or do they just not care that much about the majority of voters who believe that vaccines are, on balance, you know, a good thing? 

Tribble: I mean, I think that they are out campaigning, right? Like they are worried about the midterms, and they have sent Kennedy out to rural areas, in particular, which is why I know about this, to campaign on this. He’s been in Iowa trying to draw that MAHA crowd. So the anti-vax movement is part of the Make America Healthy Again movement, and it’s true that more people tend to believe that they can favor Make America Healthy Again 鈥� they tend to be folks who are also in the Make America Great Again camp, too, and have that identity. So if they can gin up the base, then I think they’re going to try to do that before November. 

Rovner: Yeah, back to what we were talking about at the beginning. It’s all a matter of who turns out. 

Kenen: The health part of, not MAGA, but MAHA is not all anti-vax, right? And some surveys have shown that many of them do vaccinate their children. And they’re concerned about pesticides. They’re concerned about ultraprocessed foods. They’re concerned about other things that, you know, many people would actually agree on, although they may identify more with the MAHA movement. So even within MAHA 鈥� they don’t all agree with Kennedy on vaccines. But I mean, I agree with Sarah. The timing of this and the intensity of this, as people are dying from measles, which Kennedy says they’re not 鈥� I think they see that in certain counties or areas of the country, the rejuvenation of the anti-vax conversation and orders and so forth is probably a voter intensity issue for them. Trump has never called for no vaccines. Trump has never said polio vaccine was a fake. I mean, he hasn’t gone anywhere near. He’s really in that, sort of, we have to change how we vaccinate, rather than we don’t want any vaccinations. He’s the changing the dose, smaller, you know. And of course, he exaggerates it. You know, those of us who have kids, they’ve never had a syringe the size of a vat. We don’t put vats of chemicals into our children. 鈥� I mean, how would they fit? I mean, very small babies. You know, you can put the baby in a vat, but you can’t put a vat in a baby. I mean, I agree that the timing is very political, and, you know, there were rumors a few months ago 鈥� not even a few months ago 鈥� there were rumors a few weeks ago that Kennedy would be out after the elections, and that, you know, Oz might go in. Now, interestingly, Oz has gone on TV and said the measles vaccine is good. Your child, you know, there’s measles out there. Get your kid vaccinated. But he’s not as loud as Kennedy. 

Rovner: Or as visible. Well, meanwhile, as we are taping today, the president’s nominee to lead the Food and Drug Administration, White House health policy aide Heidi Overton, is appearing before the Senate HELP [Health, Education, Pensions, and Labor] Committee for her confirmation hearing. It’s only just starting, so we will pick up on what happened there next week.  

Next up are drug prices. President Trump last Friday held yet another event at which he bragged about lowering drug prices. But I keep wondering: Has he really? Yes, drug prices are down a bit 鈥� not the 80% or 90% that Trump likes to say. It’s more like 3%. And analysts say at least some of that is due to the Medicare negotiations that were put in place under President [Joe] Biden, but are just now taking effect. So it’s not at all clear how much is due to the deals the president says he’s striking with these drug companies. Public Citizen actually got hold of some of the documents, and the agreements are pretty vague. I guess the big question is whether the public will believe the president when he says he’s lowered drug prices or whether they’ll believe what they see when they go to the pharmacy counter. Back to, again, back to what we were saying earlier. You know, it’s hard to talk about gas prices going down when every time you get in your car and drive, you see them on a big sign. I mean, I guess drug prices might be a little bit easier because not everybody takes drugs. But I’m wondering whether the people who do are believing him when he says this. 

Luhby: Right, and this has been, you know, one of his mantras in the first administration as well as now. And I fact-checked both his comments on that drug prices have been down this year and that we have the lowest prices in the world now, which is another thing that he loves to say. He loves to say that he’s strong-armed Germany and France and other European countries to lower their drug prices, which 鈥�  

Rovner: No, to raise their drug prices. 

Luhby: I’m sorry, to raise their drug prices, right? That we’re benefiting because now other countries are paying more and, you know, shouldering more of the burden. And, you know, the international experts that I’ve spoken to say there’s no evidence of that. So no, generally 鈥� you mentioned that the drug prices are down a little bit, 3% That’s from the CPI [Consumer Price Index], from the inflation index. But, you know, most experts don’t use that. People I spoke to said that that’s a very faulty measure. It shows the total cost at the pharmacy, but that’s also what insurers pay. So, you know, whether people are paying less, it’s hard to say. And as we know 鈥� what people pay at the pharmacy counter depends on their insurance. I mean, yes, there’s deductible issues and all of that, and copay issues, but, you know, that’s a yearlong contract typically, and it depends. And even today, in fact, showing that on TrumpRx 鈥� they looked at, I think, 32 drugs, and only about half of them actually did have lower prices than, you know, another comparable country. So it’s very murky. We did get some details from the Pfizer and Eli Lilly disclosures that Public Citizen got, but it’s also very heavily redacted. And [The] Washington Post, that , said that they omit key financial terms, the negotiated prices for drugs, and other provisions, making it difficult to independently assess the agreement’s values to taxpayers or the companies. You know, and I’m sure also to patients. So, you know, it’s unclear. 

Rovner: And another thing we know is that people who follow the stock prices of these companies have suggested that it’s not going to hurt the companies very much, which suggests that it’s not going to lower the prices very much. I mean, you can’t 鈥� again, we don’t know a lot of specifics, but that’s certainly an indicator that the companies don’t think that they’re going to have to lower their prices enough to hurt their profitability. Let’s put it that way. 

Luhby: Right. Some companies have mentioned some headwinds from U.S. pricing and MFN [most-favored-nation], but it’s not been a huge issue for them. 

Rovner: Yeah. 

Luhby: And from the beginning, I mean, you would think that when Pfizer started this out in September, oh, you know, if this was really a huge issue for Pfizer, their stock price would have plummeted, and, you know, that’s not the case. 

Rovner: It has not. Finally, this week, an update on that very sad and strange surrogacy case in California and Alaska and Texas. That’s where a surrogate, who was carrying a baby for a couple, wanted to keep the baby who was born with severe cardiac birth defects. That was after she, the surrogate, refused a request from the couple to terminate the pregnancy after the heart defect was detected in utero. This week, Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan refused to overturn a lower-court decision allowing the baby to remain in the custody of his biological parents. This may or may not be the last word in this particular case, but I’m sure this is an issue that eventually will get heard by the high court. And good luck to the justices sorting it all out. You know, one of the difficulties that we have seen with some of these cases, with, you know, who really are parents? Is it the people who provide the genetic material or the people who carry the fetus determine what are we going to do when we have artificial wombs? And I think we’re going to go on. And Joanne, did you want to add something? 

Kenen: Yeah, most of these are state laws. Most of these surrogate cases are basically a state law, and maybe we’ll see that change. But I also think it’s important to point out that this child, the baby, was born. It does, in fact, have a heart defect, and the biological parents who got the custody, according to the court, are taking care of the baby 鈥� I forgot whether it’s a he or she 鈥� in the hospital.  

Rovner: It’s a he. 

Kenen: It’s a he, in the hospital getting the heart care. I don’t think the prognosis is great, but they are doing everything you can to make the baby as healthy and comfortable 鈥� from the press reports, I’m not in that hospital room. But this is a family that did not want to have a child with this really serious heart defect born. That is a fact. They wanted the abortion. They didn’t succeed. The courts prevented them from getting the abortion. The woman, the carrier, the gestational carrier, won that. But it is important to note that this couple is doing what I think all of us would, you know, agree: The child is getting medical care. 

Rovner: Yes. They have a baby, and they’re doing everything they can to keep him alive and get him well. 

Kenen: Other decisions get made down the road, and it’ll be their decision, you know. Hopefully, it’ll have as good an outcome as possible. It’s obviously not easy for anyone who has 鈥� I have never had a seriously ill child, but I have had friends who have. It’s unfortunate that the extra legal battle gets imposed on top of what’s, obviously, this is a family that, this is a couple who really wanted kids. You know, surrogacy is not cheap or easy or emotionally, you know, it’s difficult. And this is not a happy story for anybody. 

Rovner: It is not. All right. Well, that is this week’s news. Now it is time for our extra-credit segment. That’s where we each recognize a story we read this week we think you should read, too. Don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Tami, why don’t you go first this week? 

Luhby: OK. Well, my extra credit is an exclusive Wall Street Journal story titled “,” by Liz Essley Whyte. And, you know, we were talking about where the grant money goes. Well, some of it apparently is going for RFK security. So she noted in the story that the cost of the health secretary’s security jumped from about $10 million in the last fiscal year to $17 million this year. And what she said was striking was that HHS told Congress earlier this year that it was moving about $12 million from its Office of Minority Health to help cover the increased security costs. Now, Liz spoke to some internal unnamed sources, who told her that the secretary’s office had discretionary funds that it could have used instead, but it took the $12 million from the minority health fund to deal with across-the-board budget cuts. Now, I didn’t actually realize that this Office of Minority Health was created by President Ronald Reagan after a landmark report found that Black infants in the U.S. were more likely to die than white babies, and you know, among other disparities. And this, the office actually funds grants and efforts to close these gaps. Its budget, its annual budget, is about $74 million. So the other thing that the story noted, as we were discussing, a little different than NIH, but it said that HHS notified 16 nonprofits and universities in August that grants from the Office of Minority Health had been canceled. They were telling the nonprofits that the cancellations were due to limited funding and new priorities, and those new priorities include the root causes of infertility and reproductive health conditions, including low sperm count and erectile dysfunction. So that’s the story. I will say that an HHS spokeswoman told The Wall Street Journal: Secretary Kennedy faces much more serious, a different security environment, and that his protection reflects the threats he faces, his extensive travel, and the security required for him to safely carry out his duties nationwide. 

Rovner: OK. Joanne. 

Kenen: My friend, colleague, and co-author, Josh Sharfstein at [Johns] Hopkins, flagged this story for me, and he might have used as many exclamation points as I usually use in my email to him. It’s a Slate story. It’s quite a story. A Slate story by Molly Olmstead, and the headline is just called “” This is a long, involved story where each paragraph gets darker and more mind-boggling than the prior paragraph. The medbeds, in case any of you don’t know, are these fictitious things that Trump tweeted about 鈥� or maybe it was, I think, it was Truth Social 鈥� about a year ago, and then deleted it the next day. There’s never been an explanation. Medbeds do not exist, but they are believed, by people who think they exist, to cure all illnesses and make us all whole, healthy, probably happy 鈥� 

Rovner: And long lives!  

Kenen: 鈥� etc. Right. It’s 鈥� as the author, she calls it 鈥� a dark fantasy that we will be pain-free, that we will have forbidden knowledge, etc., etc. 鈥� Molly Olmstead decided to trace where did this come from. And her first thought was like QAnon, and then, so there’s a section about QAnon, and then .. she goes back. It wasn’t QAnon. Then she goes through New Age. She went to a yurt in Sedona, and she learned about subatomic tachyon, I’m not pronouncing it, particles, and it turns out it wasn’t even New Age. Without being a spoiler, it actually goes back to some people with rather ahead-of-their-time crazy beliefs in the 1960s! So just go read it. 

Rovner: Yeah, it’s quite the read. Sarah. 

Tribble: First, I just want to say, you know, reporters like the ones you’re mentioning are just amazing. Like, the work they’re doing and that digging into the agency spending and following those trails, and that’s why I picked this other one, John Wilkerson at Stat. My extra credit is “.” Now, the reason I really like this story is John knows Medicare. He knows MedPAC [the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission]. If you’ve ever sat in that room watching MedPAC discuss things, and then you talk to the experts 鈥� find out that Medicare Advantage was supposed to save Medicare money, but never has. Right? I say go read this story. It’s a very interesting analysis, basically, of how it could help insurers, but may not actually decrease Medicare Advantage payments at all anyway. So it’s just another ball down that road, but it’s definitely worth following. And kudos to John for writing it in a way that’s a fun read. 

Rovner: My story is also from a colleague who likes to dig for things. It’s from my 51视频 Health News colleague and cubicle mate, David Hilzenrath. It’s called “The Drugs and Devices Have Been on the Market for Years. But FDA-Ordered Studies Still Aren’t Done.” It’s one of those stories that has been done before but needs to be repeated every so often: that when the FDA approves something with the requirement for postmarket follow-up, that follow-up often does not happen. The FDA has, for generations, tried to walk the fine line between getting promising treatments into the hands of patients as fast as possible while still ensuring that they are safe and effective. An analysis of FDA data found that nearly 600 postmarket studies that were supposed to have [been] done have been delayed, often by years. Which means not just that some products on the market may be causing problems, but even if they’re not, they might not actually be working, which wastes money and keeps patients sick. So, hats off to my colleagues who did this analysis, too. 

All right, that is this week’s show. Thanks to our editor this week, Stephanie Stapleton, and our producer-engineer, Francis Ying. A reminder: What the Health? is now available on WAMU platforms, the NPR app, and wherever you get your podcasts 鈥� as well as, of course, kffhealthnews.org. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. You can still find me on X , or on Bluesky . Where do you folks hang around these days on the socials? Sarah? 

Tribble: I’m mostly on LinkedIn, actually. So look for me on LinkedIn: . 

Rovner: Joanne. 

Kenen: I’m more on LinkedIn than anywhere else, too: JoanneKenen on . I’m a little bit on , and I still haven’t fixed my Twitter authenticator. 

Rovner: Tami. 

Luhby: You can find me at . 

Rovner: We’ll be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy. 

Credits

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51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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Economic Frustration Tests Trump鈥檚 Standing With Rural Voters, New 51视频-AP Poll Finds /rural-health/ap-kff-poll-rural-voters-economy-costs-trump-midterms-senate/ Wed, 23 Sep 2026 10:01:00 +0000 /?p=2287036 About half of rural American voters believe the economy is worse off now than when President Donald Trump returned to office, according to a that points to economic frustration among a key group that has backed Trump and other Republicans in recent elections.

The poll of more than 2,000 rural registered voters by The Associated Press in partnership with 51视频 found broadly negative views on the national and local economies, including from many Republicans. The costs of groceries, gas, and healthcare rank as top pain points for the rural voters, who were surveyed over two weeks starting in mid-August. And a larger share than among voters overall say they are worried about being able to afford groceries or gas.

At the same time, about half of rural voters approve of Trump’s job performance, more than among U.S. adults overall in separate AP-NORC polling.

The findings suggest that many rural voters haven’t turned on Trump but that they also largely don’t think he has delivered the economic renaissance he promised on the campaign trail.

Ed Westrick, a registered Republican and veteran, rates Trump’s job performance as “mediocre, middle-of-the-road.” Westrick, who lives in rural Texas, isn’t sure he will cast a midterm ballot, a troubling sign for Republicans in a key state in their fight to keep control of Congress.

Rural Americans skew Republican and historically have been an instrumental group of voters for Trump. The survey reveals that while rural voters seem unlikely to support Democrats on a large scale, Trump and the Republican Party could face challenges with them in November.

Deep Unhappiness About the Economy

As the election approaches, only about 4 in 10 rural voters approve of Trump’s performance on the economy. They rate him similarly on his handling of the Iran war, an entanglement that has proved expensive for the U.S. and increased oil and gas prices. And rural voters rank pocketbook concerns and fraud in government programs higher among the things they want to hear about from politicians than other perennial issues, such as gun policy and abortion.

Westrick, 59, is a technical trainer in the electronics industry and has seen an increase in business in part because he works with defense contractors, but he said he’s concerned about the cost of living.

“I hear the politicians talk about making groceries more affordable and making healthcare more affordable but yet none of them are addressing the issues,” Westrick said.

Ed Westrick uses his hands to move a wooden panel at the top of a frame structure made of wood.
Westrick adjusts a roof on a small building at his home in rural Texas. (LM Otero/AP)

In the poll, about three-quarters of rural voters rated the cost of living in their communities as “only fair” or “poor” — up from about half in a 51视频-Washington Post survey in 2017. Rural Americans, who have consistently lower wages than those who live in suburban and metro areas, have been hurting economically for decades, according to Tim Slack, a professor of sociology at Louisiana State University and co-author of the book Rural and Small-Town America.

“Many folks are connecting the cost-of-living crisis to many of the Trump administration’s policy choices: the war in Iran, tariffs, trade wars,” Slack said. “None of those things are going to bring down prices at the pump or the local Walmart.”

“Trump promised to lower prices on Day 1, and instead the cost of living’s continued to climb. And that’s especially painful in rural America,” Slack said, adding that he expects many working-class Republicans to skip voting in November.

Rural Republicans do have a brighter economic perspective than rural Democrats or independents, particularly about the U.S. as a whole, according to the survey. About 6 in 10 rural Republican voters say Trump has improved the national economy, compared with only about 2 in 10 independents and fewer than 1 in 10 Democrats.

But only 45% of rural Republican voters say Trump has made their local economies better off. About 1 in 4 said there are fewer good-paying jobs where they live than five years ago.

In Michigan, 37-year-old independent voter Brittainy Sosebee said she isn’t sure if she will vote in the state’s midterm election, which includes a tight Senate race seen as crucial to the Democratic Party’s push to win back a majority. Sosebee voted for Trump in 2016 and Democratic candidate Joe Biden in 2020; she didn’t vote in 2024.

Sosebee, who lives in St. Johns, a small town just north of Lansing, said she used to have extra money to take a vacation or buy a new pair of jeans without worrying. Now, she scrutinizes every expense, cringing at the rising cost of fresh produce when she shops for her three children.

“We hunt, so we have a lot of venison and things like that, so we don’t have to buy meat from the grocery store, but it’s still crippling,” she said.

Healthcare Policies Go Unnoticed

The 51视频-AP poll found that rural voters overall don’t perceive much positive impact from the Trump administration’s healthcare policies even as they have been a top priority for Republican leaders, who have promoted efforts to lower drug costs and touted a $50 billion rural health program.

Only 17% of the voters said the Trump administration’s healthcare policies have had a “positive impact” on their healthcare costs, while 41% said they’ve had “no impact” and another 41% said they’ve had a “negative impact.”

Sitting on her front porch in Woolwich, Maine, 71-year-old Democrat Kathleen Hanning sipped a chai tea latte in the sun and recalled how she stopped voting for Republican Sen. Susan Collins in 2020.

Collins and Trump are “intertwined,” Hanning said. “She is not independently voting on what’s best for Maine.”

Hanning, a retired federal worker, said she hadn’t paid much attention to the health policies in Trump’s signature tax-break-and-spending-cut bill passed last year. The law reduces federal Medicaid spending by roughly $900 billion over a decade but also includes the billions of dollars for the Rural Health Transformation Program, which it created.

A year after the law’s passage, more than 8 in 10 rural voters said they’d heard either “a little” or “nothing at all” about the health fund. About 60% said they had heard nothing, according to the survey.

Rather than transforming, Hanning said, “hospitals up here in Maine are consolidating.” She travels an hour to see a specialist and noted that mothers will now have to drive farther for care because the hospital in nearby Damariscotta announced it would soon close its labor and delivery center.

Nine in 10 rural voters said it was “extremely” or “very” important for candidates to talk about healthcare costs, with more than half saying it’s “extremely important.” Mirroring the general population, rural voters ranked healthcare costs and gas prices as top economic worries.

Rural Republican Voters Still Trust GOP More

When asked which political party they trusted to do a better job handling issues such as the cost of healthcare or the cost of living, rural voters tended to side with their own party. The finding signals that Democratic candidates are more likely to benefit from rural Republicans’ staying home this November than from their voting across party lines in large numbers.

Republicans are more ambivalent about their party’s ability to handle key healthcare issues, compared with Democrats. About 8 in 10 Democratic voters say they trust the Democrats to address healthcare costs, while closer to 6 in 10 Republican voters say the same of the Republicans.

In Manassas, Georgia, a tiny town about an hour’s drive inland from Savannah, Republican voter Wanda Rogers feels the Trump administration is doing the best it can to clean up what she sees as an economic mess that Democrats left behind when they lost power.

“I kind of think people think like I do, that he knows what needs to be done,” she said. “It’s just taking them a while to get it there.”

Still, the 66-year-old said, “gas prices, they’re eating me alive right now.” She said she has stopped traveling to the beach because it has become too expensive.

Pamela Shaw, an independent voter who lives in a rural area near Asheville, North Carolina, said she sees the impact of rising costs in her community.

“When hamburger is over $7 a pound and steak is $15 or more a pound, a lot of people are not able to buy some of the things that they are used to buying,” the 59-year-old said in an interview.

Trump’s Rural Standing Has Slipped

Trump remains relatively popular among rural voters in the 51视频-AP poll, with 48% approval — substantially higher than in a July AP-NORC poll of U.S. adults overall, in which only a third approved of his performance. But he’s also down slightly, from 56% approval, among rural voters, based on a similar question asked in the earlier 51视频-Washington Post survey.

Asunta Washington, 38, is a truck driver who lives in South Texas. He said he is not against voting for Republican candidates if he wholeheartedly agrees with what they stand for, but he has not seen that. Instead, he has seen a lot of flip-flopping, he said.

“Like, a lot of people that are giving us promises and the moment they get elected, all that’s out the window,” Washington said.

A man wearing a plaid shirt and a black hat with an American flag poses for a photo
Asunta Washington, a truck driver in New Braunfels, Texas, says he’d be open to voting for Republican candidates if their views aligned with his. (AP Photo/Eric Gay)

This year’s competitive elections feature key Senate races in states including Ohio, Michigan, and Maine, all of which have large rural populations. In close races, Democrats may have a chance to “show up and give a message that rural people might find appealing,” said Nicholas Jacobs, a political scientist at Colby College and co-author of the book The Rural Voter.

“But it’s nothing more and it’s nothing less than that — an opportunity,” Jacobs said. “And time and time again, Democrats have shown a certain proclivity for not seizing that opportunity.”

Many rural voters don’t think the major parties or the president respect people like them. About half, 48%, of rural voters say the GOP respects people like them “a lot” or “some,” while 45% of rural voters say this about Trump and 37% say this about the Democratic Party.

On a recent Thursday, registered Republican Nate Lawrence answered his phone after paying $57 to fill up his Chevy Equinox in New Concord, Ohio, a village of fewer than 3,000 people about an hour’s drive east of Columbus.

Lawrence, a middle school English teacher, said the candidates should be talking about spending power: “I need to be able to go to the store and feed my family on what I make as a teacher,” Lawrence said. “I should be able to pay for a house on a teacher’s salary.”

Lawrence has voted for Trump in the past but didn’t in 2024. For Ohio’s Senate race, Lawrence said he is torn and not sure whether to pick Democrat Sherrod Brown or Republican Jon Husted.

Still, even if the politicians say they will lower prices, Lawrence said, he won’t believe them.

“Trump said that, and it didn’t happen,” he said.

About the Poll

The 51视频-AP Rural Voters Survey was conducted online and by telephone Aug. 12-24, 2026, among 2,241 registered voters living in rural areas, defined as census tracts that fall within codes 5-10 of the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s 2020 Rural-Urban Commuting Area (RUCA) codes. Voters were reached through a combination of the probability-based SSRS Opinion Panel and a registration-based sample from the L2 voter file. Overall results have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 3 percentage points, including design effects due to weighting. Error margins are larger for subgroups. In collaboration with the AP, 51视频 researchers worked to design the survey sample and questionnaire and analyze and report findings.

This report is from a collaboration between 51视频 Health News and The Associated Press.

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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As Health Insurance Costs Soar, Healthcare Workers Also Feel the Pinch /health-care-costs/uninsured-doctors-obamacare-affordable-care-act-aca-rising-premiums-idaho/ Tue, 22 Sep 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2282784 BOISE, Idaho 鈥� Joshua and Ashley Durham run a family medicine practice, and for the first time in their lives, they have no health insurance.

When the Durhams began their practice at the end of 2023 鈥� he as a primary care physician and she as a pharmacist who handles the billing 鈥� the couple bought coverage for themselves and their two kids on the Affordable Care Act marketplace. But they said their monthly premiums for a similar health plan for this year rose several hundred dollars to nearly $1,600.

They decided to pay out-of-pocket for their medical expenses instead, leaning on $50,000 they had set aside in a health savings account over several years.

“It’s nerve-racking,” said Joshua Durham, 47. “It just takes, you know, one little accident, and then you got a big fat bill.”

The healthcare industry traditionally has more of its workforce on medical insurance than many other fields. Nationwide, 7% of all healthcare workers were uninsured in 2024, compared with 11% of all adults under 65, according to a 51视频 analysis of the most recent American Community Survey data. And doctors were especially unlikely to forgo health insurance, with just 2% uninsured.

But even healthcare workers are feeling the pinch as each year, with employers expecting that costs will jump an for 2027.

The Republican-led Congress also opted last year Affordable Care Act marketplace credits enacted during the covid pandemic. While subsidies remain in place for people with low incomes, the pandemic-era credits helped , especially those working in small businesses such as independent medical practices. Nearly half of marketplace enrollees worked for small businesses or were self-employed in 2024; some of the most common occupations included chiropractic care and dentistry.

Jack Dillon, executive director of the , which represents 4,000 physician-led practices, said premium increases have become untenable for small businesses, whether employers seek coverage through the marketplace or directly from insurers.

“The cost has become so astronomical,” Dillon said. “You’re looking at it and saying, 鈥榃hat’s the value?’”

As health insurance continues to become less affordable, Dillon said, more healthcare employers may seek alternatives to their standard coverage, such as providing higher hourly wages or providing only minimal plans.

The number of people without insurance in the U.S. is expected to increase by roughly over 10 years because of the expiration of the expanded ACA subsidies and resulting from President Donald Trump’s signature One Big Beautiful Bill Act, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

Healthier people are the most likely to opt out of insurance. That leaves insurance covering a smaller pool of people who tend to be sicker and need more expensive care. So insurers raise prices to cover the remaining enrollees, which fuels even higher premium costs.

鈥楬ealthcare Is a Business’

Samantha LeGault, a nurse practitioner at a health clinic in Boise, said her employer-offered plan’s premium payment rose from $700 to $1,500 a month this year to insure herself, her husband, and four of their kids. LeGault has Crohn’s disease and two of their daughters also have medical conditions, so she said her family has no choice but to continue to pay for that health coverage.

But she decided to skip dental insurance to save money, and she prioritizes dental visits for her children over herself.

She had already struggled to set aside retirement savings and had switched her children from a private school they liked to public school to cut down on costs. Then the new health insurance costs tightened her budget even more. She estimated that about one-fifth of her income now goes toward her monthly premium payments.

“I know how the clinics work, that I am an expensive patient,” LeGault said. “At the end of the day, healthcare is a business in the United States.”

Samantha LeGault works on a laptop indoors.
Samantha LeGault, a nurse practitioner for a health clinic in Boise, says her medical insurance premium costs rose from $700 to $1,500 a month this year to cover her, her husband, and four of their kids. She has Crohn’s disease, and two of her daughters also have medical conditions. She continues to pay for health coverage but opted to skip dental insurance to reduce their monthly expenses. (Hayat Norimine/51视频 Health News)

The Durhams have three other employees in their practice. Two of them receive health insurance through their spouses, Ashley Durham said. The Durhams said they pay $420 monthly toward their physician assistant’s premiums.

As a primary care physician, Joshua Durham said he doesn’t need regular doctor visits, because he can diagnose and treat himself 鈥� and, if needed, the rest of his family, though he acknowledged that’s frowned upon. The American Medical Association’s generally discourages doctors from treating themselves or relatives but makes exceptions for emergency situations or short-term, minor problems. Ashley Durham said she’s filled prescriptions for her family.

, a bioethicist and professor emeritus at New York University’s Grossman School of Medicine, said that as more people are “turning toward relatives because they can’t access or easily see a regular doctor,” it may make sense to revisit that aspect of the code of ethics.

Out-of-Pocket Expenses

Healthcare workers with less advanced medical certifications than the Durhams often don’t have the option of treating themselves or family members 鈥� or don’t have savings to fall back on for healthcare expenses. And many healthcare professionals, such as Jill Kordick, a 64-year-old retired healthcare executive in Norwalk, Iowa, aren’t willing to go without the safety net of insurance.

In her work, Kordick saw hospitalizations become financially devastating for patients, so she said she would never opt out of health insurance 鈥� even for just the 16 months before she’d become eligible for Medicare at age 65.

Last year, she qualified for the enhanced Affordable Care Act tax credits, allowing her to pay $75 a month for health coverage. Her premiums rose to $800 a month this year when those subsidies expired.

Because she has a $10,000 deductible, she put off going to the doctor for weeks when she had a sinus infection this year, until it ultimately evolved into an ear infection. She said she regularly rethinks, and sometimes returns, nonessential groceries in her shopping cart. And she keeps her house’s thermostat at 80 degrees in the summer to cut down on air conditioning costs.

Kordick said healthcare is a universal struggle in this country, regardless of how familiar patients are with the industry. “It’s disheartening that it’s as broken and fragmented as it is,” she said.

The Durhams have seen the impact of unaffordable healthcare on their patients. They said they try to lend some leeway to patients when they can 鈥� a luxury they have, operating their own practice. In one case, Ashley Durham said, she wrote off $1,160 in bills for a single father whose son didn’t have health insurance rather than send their bills to a collection agency.

“It’s hard, because as a human I want to help them out,” she said. “At the same time, we need revenue for our office.”

Joshua Durham is more nervous about going uninsured than his wife. As a child, he witnessed his parents struggling to pay medical bills for their family of nine in south-central Idaho. Durham recalled that his dad, who was a carpenter, helped build a surgeon’s house to pay for an operation.

Today, Durham also sometimes exchanges work for care. He said he gets free eye exams from an uninsured optometrist and offers him free primary care.

He worries about a worst-case scenario: a car crash, a sports injury, a serious diagnosis.

“Do I have pancreatic cancer today?” Durham said wryly.

So far, the couple has paid around $9,000 total for expenses out of their health savings account this year, including physical therapy to help with the thoracic outlet syndrome that affects Durham’s neck and shoulder, mental health appointments, and contact lenses. The expenses were higher than the Durhams anticipated. But it was still less than what their monthly premiums would have cost them.

Their decision has paid off, Joshua Durham said. At least for now.

The Durhams stand outside by a sign that shows the name of their medical practice: Durham Family Medicine.
The Durhams used the Affordable Care Act marketplace for health insurance for their family of four last year. This year, they chose to pay out-of-pocket for care instead when the cost of their premium payments jumped. (Hayat Norimine/51视频 Health News)

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? Click here to contact 51视频 Health News and share your story.

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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Insurance Coverage Lags as Cancer Science, Treatment Move Forward /health-industry/rare-brain-cancer-tumors-genetics-drug-coverage-astrazeneca-lynparza-texas/ Tue, 22 Sep 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2285126 A photo of Mason Henderson and his mother, Tabitha Lowe, outside a shop in New York.
Mason Henderson with his mother, Tabitha Lowe, in November during a visit to New York, where Henderson was participating in a clinical trial to treat his brain cancer. Henderson died in May after a two-year battle with the disease. (Jerry Lowe)

Eighteen months after his initial diagnosis, chemotherapy hadn’t slowed 21-year-old Mason Henderson’s rare brain tumor, which had spread to his spinal fluid. So he left his home in southeastern Texas to spend three weeks in a clinical trial in New York City.

But that failed, too, leaving a murky path for Henderson, whose cancer was so rare the World Health Organization had only in 2021. So early this year, Henderson’s doctors, evaluating his tumor’s deep genetic language, turned to a drug made by Merck and AstraZeneca called Lynparza.

It was not the standard of care for Henderson’s condition 鈥� there wasn’t really any standard, which is not unusual for rare cancers. And Henderson’s insurance would not pay for it, despite the careful justification given by the two specialists treating him.

“They have no guidelines for his cancer,” Henderson’s mother, Tabitha Lowe, said in a March interview with 51视频 Health News. “They’re discriminating against him because his cancer is so rare.”

A photo of Tabitha Lowe and her son Mason Henderson smiling by a lake.
Tabitha Lowe and her son Mason Henderson. Lowe spent six weeks trying to get an $8,700-a-month drug for her son that the family’s pharmacy benefit manager wouldn’t cover. (Tabitha Lowe)

Every year, tens of thousands of people 鈥� representing about a 鈥� are diagnosed with tumors that differ enough from frequently identified ones to be called rare. In determining whether to reimburse treatment for such ailments, insurers turn to Food and Drug Administration labels and expert guidelines.

But these rare afflictions often lack targeted, FDA-approved treatment options, even though in many cases, molecular tests offered by diagnostic companies and university labs can provide a strong suggestion of what will work.

“Insurance coverage routinely trails behind what genomic testing reveals about a patient’s cancer and what the science supports,” said Olivier Elemento, director of Weill Cornell Medicine’s Englander Institute for Precision Medicine.

Henderson’s neuro-oncologists, Jacob Mandel of the Baylor College of Medicine and Jessica Schulte of NYU Langone Health, decided to try Lynparza, also known by the generic name olaparib, in combination with chemotherapy. There wasn’t a wealth of evidence behind the drug but there was a “biologically reasonable” assumption it would help, Schulte said, because cells in tumors like Henderson’s have a flaw that drugs like Lynparza can target. Providers in several previous cases had seen brain cancers like Henderson’s respond well to the drug.

“In general, we try to base our treatment decisions on large patient studies” involving hundreds of patients, Schulte said. But large clinical trials will probably never be conducted for a cancer as rare as Henderson’s.

Schulte, who specializes in brain cancers in young adults, sees only a few of Henderson’s type each year, she said.

Mandel prescribed the drug on Jan. 16. Liviniti, Henderson’s pharmacy benefit manager, responded with a quick refusal on Jan. 30. Two weeks later, the company sent an explanation: “Lynparza is not approved for the diagnosis provided.” Out-of-pocket, the drug would cost about $8,700 per month, Lowe said. Liviniti did not respond to phone calls seeking comment.

Before his diagnosis, Henderson was a healthy, athletic young man with a big heart, faith in Jesus, and a tight group of friends, his mother said. At Evadale High School, north of Beaumont, Texas, Henderson played baseball and football and was homecoming king in 2022. After graduating, he worked at the local paper mill, spending his free time hunting, fishing, and exploring the woods on an all-terrain vehicle. He wanted to be a police officer, Lowe said.

Henderson was 20 on March 15, 2024, when his brother Gunner found him at the top of the stairs in the family home with his head in his hands. “He was in the post-seizure state,” Lowe said. “He couldn’t talk. Was crying. Trying to hug me. Could not communicate.”

At an emergency room in Beaumont, an MRI revealed a large tumor. He was transferred to Baylor St. Luke’s Medical Center in Houston and diagnosed with a form of brain cancer called diffuse hemispheric glioma (H3-G34 mutant).

Surgery a few days later cut out 90% of the tumor, but brain cancers are almost impossible to remove entirely, because of the delicacy of the tissue they’re embedded in, Schulte said.

After 16 months of radiation and chemotherapy, a September 2025 scan showed the cancer had spread to his spinal cord, a condition called leptomeningeal disease that usually proves fatal within a few months. Mandel contacted Schulte about a clinical trial she was leading. It consisted of 11 days of brutal craniospinal irradiation, which left Henderson exhausted. When it was over, the cancer was still there.

“The family was wonderful,” Schulte recalled. “They were trusting in their team, but they asked appropriate questions to make sure that we were thinking about Mason as a person.”

Coverage Refused

Lynparza, approved by the FDA in 2014 for ovarian cancer, works by interfering with tumor cells’ ability to multiply. After Liviniti, the pharmacy benefit manager, refused coverage for Henderson, his family turned to Jefferson County. Henderson’s stepfather, Jerry Lowe, flies helicopters for the county sheriff’s office.

The county, which had the final say on reimbursement because it pays claims directly for its employees’ family health coverage, also refused. When Henderson’s family appealed, the county review board authorized an independent medical reviewer to look at the case. The nonspecialist supported the board’s finding and recommended another drug, but Henderson’s doctors disagreed. The board didn’t respond to a request for comment.

AstraZeneca had also turned down the family’s request for a donation of the drug. By then it was March, six weeks after Lynparza was prescribed.

Cancers that start in the brain are unusual 鈥� only about 25,000 cases are diagnosed in the U.S. each year, compared with 320,000 breast cancers and 229,000 lung cancers. Only a few hundred people each year, mostly young adults, are diagnosed with Henderson’s type, according to Schulte.

Treatment options for diffuse hemispheric glioma are few; brain cancers in general are often excluded from clinical trials. They represent a relatively small market for a pharmaceutical company. Testing drugs against them is risky, because of the brain’s sensitivity, and difficult because the drug must pass through the tightly packed cell walls lining the blood vessels, known as the blood-brain barrier.

A photo of Tabitha Lowe smiling with her son Mason Henderson.
Patients like Henderson often struggle to get medications that are prescribed off-label based on recent scientific findings. (Tabitha Lowe)

Still, drugmakers are increasingly homing in on narrower and potentially more accurate drug targets as science reveals more of cancer’s remarkable molecular diversity.

Under , the FDA has approved to be used for patients whose tumors have specific mutations, regardless of the organ where the cancer first appeared. These “tissue agnostic” drugs are still a tiny minority, but as genome sequencing becomes more common 鈥� order it for patients 鈥� insurers will have to keep up, Weill Cornell’s Elemento said.

Several U.S. research groups are hosting clinical experiments known as “basket trials,” in which mostly late-stage cancer patients are put on drug combinations based on tumor genetics, rather than the organ of origin.

The American Society of Clinical Oncology has recruited more than 3,000 patients into one of the biggest efforts, the Targeting Agent and Profiling Utilization Registry, , which began in 2016. It provides off-label treatments at no cost to advanced-staged cancer patients at more than 270 U.S. oncology practices.

About half the participants have benefited, and in rare cases the treatment kept patients alive for a year or more or seemingly cured them, said Richard Schilsky, the program’s founder and its principal investigator until recently. The results have led to changes in several treatment guidelines, he said, and a change in guidelines “usually is sufficient to create a pathway to reimbursement by insurance.”

Research has uncovered “quite a few” cases in which Lynparza was effective against a variety of tumor types, Schilsky said. But like many clinical trials, TAPUR excludes patients with primary brain tumors 鈥� like Henderson’s.

Oncologists disagree on how broadly genetics discoveries will transform cancer diagnosis. Cancers are currently identified as breast, colon, lung, etc., because those are the cells that pathologists see when diagnosing a tumor, said Razelle Kurzrock, the associate director of clinical research at the Medical College of Wisconsin Cancer Center.

But that’s a “mistake of history,” she said. “You’re making the diagnosis based on the pathologist’s view of the surface of the cell rather than what’s actually driving the cancer.”

A Dutch father and son invented the first light microscope to peer at cells around 1590. The Human Genome Project finished in 2003. If genome-enabled next-generation sequencing, now used for molecular tumor scans, had come before the light microscope, “no one would look at organ of origin,” she said.

Kurzrock leads a clinical trial in which every patient gets individualized cancer therapy based on DNA, RNA, and protein patterns in their tumor. Instead of getting drug combination A or B, “in our trial everyone gets a different set of drugs,” she said. Physicians can instead use standard therapies, she said, and their patients are the study controls.

Other oncologists see limitations to purely genetic diagnosis. Certain cancer centers advertise by saying, “鈥榃e’ll sequence your tumor better than anyone else, and therefore you’ll live longer and do better if you come here,’” said Kathy Miller, a professor of oncology at Indiana University. “But the evidence doesn’t support those claims right now.”

鈥業 Wouldn’t Give Up’

In Henderson’s case, the problem was never diagnosis; Baylor clinicians identified his cancer type quickly. But its rarity and location made the tumor hard to fight, and the lack of financial help made it even harder.

On March 8, Tabitha Lowe went on Facebook, LinkedIn, and Instagram with photos of her son and descriptions of his plight. She tagged AstraZeneca, Liviniti, and the county board that had denied his reimbursement. “Rare cancer patients are denied treatment simply because their cancers are rare,” she wrote in one of the posts, which were shared hundreds of times.

“I hated to take this route, but when it comes to my kids there’s nothing I won’t do,” she told 51视频 Health News. “I’ve cried, I’ve stressed out, but I wouldn’t give up.”

A screenshot of a Facebook post by Tabitha Low tags AstraZeneca, @cancerresearch, @rarediseases, and the National Comprehensive Cancer Network. The text of the post reads, "PLEASE SHARE!" followed by images of Mason Henderson describing his condition.
Tabitha Lowe took to Facebook to try to get her son Mason Henderson access to the brain cancer treatment his doctors sought for him. (Tabitha Lowe)

The next day, AstraZeneca’s patient assistance program, which had turned down her request for the drug two weeks earlier, emailed her with good news: A bottle of 60 Lynparza pills had been shipped to her pharmacy. Company spokesperson Tara Parsell said patient confidentiality prevented her from commenting on its actions.

Lowe’s six-week battle had paid off. Now, “it’s in God’s hands,” she said in an April interview. By mid-April, however, Henderson could no longer walk. Then came issues with his speech. “It all happened so fast.”

On May 4, in the family’s living room, where his bed had been moved, Henderson died, after taking the drug for nearly two months. Hundreds attended his memorial service; their cars made a procession seven minutes long.

The family has created a college scholarship in Henderson’s name for graduates of the local high school. An online campaign and bass fishing tournament had raised nearly $24,000 by September. Willie Robertson of Duck Dynasty, professional pickleballer Tyson McGuffin, and pro fisherman Hank Parker donated items for a raffle. Country singer Mark Chestnutt sent two signed guitars, Lowe said.

“Faster treatment would have been better,” although it’s hard to know whether it would have extended Henderson’s life, NYU’s Schulte said.

“I will always wonder,” Lowe said in a phone interview this summer. “Cancer don’t pause while the paperwork’s in progress.”

“There’s something especially painful thinking about how much time I spent fighting healthcare instead of being with Mason,” she added. “I was forced to become a PBM, insurer, research expert, all while trying to be his mother.”

51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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Health Journalists Visit Conservative Georgia District and Weigh AI Bioweapon Threat /on-air/on-air-september-19-2026-cancer-ai-biological-weapons-georgia-14th/ Sat, 19 Sep 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2286318&preview=true&preview_id=2286318

Céline Gounder, 51视频 Health News’ editor-at-large for public health, discussed the findings of a recent cancer report on CBS News 24/7’s Mornings on Sept. 16. Gounder also discussed the potential of artificial intelligence to be used in developing biological weapons on CBS News’ CBS Mornings on Sept. 11.

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51视频 Health News Georgia correspondent Briah Lumpkins discussed a conservative Georgia congressional district that has remained supportive of President Donald Trump despite rising healthcare costs on WUGA’s The Georgia Health Report on Sept. 11.


51视频 Health News Florida correspondent Daniel Chang discussed in Spanish how gun violence affects children in Florida on Radio Bilingüe’s Línea Abierta on Sept. 10.


51视频 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 51视频鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 51视频 Health News and is republished here under a .

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